Ally Fogg: "Why the young get a bad press" reports on research into age and media bias:

Silvia Knobloch-Westerwick of Ohio State University gave 276 volunteers an online magazine to browse. She found that older people preferred to read negative news about young people, rather than positive news. What's more, those older readers who choose to read negative stories about young individuals receive a small boost to their self-esteem as a result. Younger readers, in contrast, prefer not to read about older people at all.

PLoS now has blogs. The announcement accentuates that they have an equal representation of scientists and science journalists.

Neuroanthropology, authored by Daniel Lende and Greg Downey, will be of interest to many of my readers. John Rennie also has a "plog" as they're calling them, "The Gleaming Retort". "Speakeasy Science", by University of Wisconsin journalism professor Deborah Blum, has made the jump to PLoS as well.

Julien Riel-Salvatore has written more about the supposed Middle Paleolithic-age stone tools from Crete: "The final (?) word on those handaxes from Crete".

First, on the basis of the drawing of the handaxes, these implements do appear to be human-made. Second, they are not isolated occurrences: the authors identified nine localities where these quartz tools were found, only three of which also yielded Mesolithic tools. This leaves open the possibility that the 'Paleolithic' sites represent task-specific components of the Mesolithic toolkit on Crete, but this is unlikely based on the association of handaxes with some of the terrace deposits described in the quote above. Third, as the authors indicate, this was not a case of a H. heidelbergensis (or a couple of them) washing onto Crete: the fact that nine sites (defined by the presence of a minimum of 20 stone tools) were found in a relatively small area indicates a somewhat sustained human presence on the southern coast of Crete.

The comments have generated a lively discussion of the possibility that these are eoliths -- flaked by natural processes -- and how one would tell.

I can't believe the amount of attention the paper by Martin Nowak, Corina Tarnita and Edward O. Wilson [1] has gotten. It was in last week's Nature. The basic idea was that the evolution of eusociality in insects could be explained in a different way that the usual explanation, which involves calculating the relatedness of worker insects to their reproductive siblings. Eusociality has been one of the most visible applications of inclusive fitness theory -- that is, the observation that the fitness of a gene that alters behavior may be calculated in terms of its effects on the reproduction and survival of relatives. The paper notes that some aspects of eusociality are not well explained in terms of relatedness, and derives an alternative explanation.

The weird part of the paper is the way it describes inclusive fitness as some kind of theoretical afterthought, useful only as an ad hoc explanation for eusocial insects. It contrasts the inclusive fitness concept with "standard natural selection" as if it were possible for organisms to erase the fact that they're related to each other! And the authors imply that they have fatally damaged the concept of kin selection.

It's so contrary to evolutionary theory, that I thought maybe I was missing something. But I've been spending time on another problem this week and haven't had time to follow it up.

Fortunately, Jerry Coyne and Richard Dawkins have both given the paper some attention, and written notes and reactions to it. First Coyne ("A misguided attack on kin selection") reminds us of why kin selection has been such a successful part of "standard" evolutionary theory for the past fifty years.

Sex ratio theory, in which mothers produce different proportions of males and females, has been a particularly fruitful area for applying inclusive fitness theory. So has “altruism”—suicidal honeybees are just one example. And so are parental care and aspects thereof, especially parent-offspring conflict, a field brought to life by Bob Trivers using inclusive fitness theory. How else can you explain weaning conflict except by a conflict between the mother’s genetic welfare and that of her offspring?

I’m baffled not only by Nowak et al.’s apparent and willful ignorance of the literature, but by statements that are just wrong. They flatly assert, for instance, that “inclusive fitness theory” is something different from “standard natural selection theory.” But it’s not: it’s simply a natural extension of population genetics to the situation in which one’s behavior affects related individuals.

Richard Dawkins has also posted notes about the paper:

Kin selection is not a subset of group selection, it is a logical consequence of gene selection. And gene selection is (everything that Nowak et al ought to mean by) 'standard natural selection' theory: has been ever since the neo-Darwinian synthesis of the 1930s. Inclusive fitness theory is not some kind of supernumerary excrescence, to be 'resorted to' only if 'standard natural selection theory' is found wanting (Misunderstanding One). On the contrary, inclusive fitness theory is one way of expressing what was logically inherent in the synthesis ever since Fisher and Haldane, but had been largely overlooked because people (with the exception of those two geniuses) didn't think about collateral kin.

Yes, unless they're going to repeal the Price equation, they'll have to rely on relatedness to explain those phenotypes that never occur in reproductive individuals. As Dawkins puts it, "You have to talk about shared genes in individuals, with conditional phenotypic expression."


References

The Guardian now has a small network of science blogs. Their launch announcement includes this surprising factoid:

You would not know it from general media coverage but, on the web, science is alive with remarkable debate. According to the Pew Research Centre, science accounts for 10% of all stories on blogs but only 1% of the stories in mainstream media coveage. (The Pew Research Center's Project for Excellence in Journalism looked at a year's news coverage starting from January 2009.)

I'm not sure that science accounts for 10% of stories on science blogs, but the idea is irresistible. Just think if all the effort we spend on grant applications could be directed toward productive work!

An ape by any other name

As usual, I was looking for something else -- this time in the writing of Henry Fairfield Osborn -- and came across an interesting paper that he delivered as a lecture in 1927 [1]. He was addressing general evidence for human evolution, in particular as reflected in the anatomy of anthropoid apes. In the course of this, he rose to the defense of his own theory of human origins, which involved the evolution of our lineage from a Central Asian ancestor that had isolated from the other apes for many millions of years:

About three years ago I was a firm believer in the anthropoid ape theory of ancestry. I listened to a series of most able papers given by a number of investigators--Doctors Tilney, Morton, McGregor, all members of the Galton society--and felt then that their investigations of the anthropoid ape theory was quite established. A year later, however, I went into the central desert of Asia, in Mongolia; there I came under the influence of a new environment, a desert or semi-arid environment, and it flashed across my mind that this must have been the primitive home of man, that anthropoid apes could not have existed here. From that time to this the idea has been growing upon me, and last April, at the bicentenary meeting of the American Philosophical Society, I stated that I personally had abandoned the anthropoid ape theory and I advanced the opinion that man has a long line of Dawn Man ancestors and that the other theory rests upon a large amount of evidence which proves the kinship of anthropoid apes to man but does not prove the ancestry of man through an anthropoid ape type (Osborn 1927:221, emphasis in original).

Many people today make a point of saying that humans did not descend from apes, but that we share an ancestor with apes.

If we confine ourselves to living apes, that is of course true. Our common ancestors with chimpanzees and bonobos (the chumans) were not identical to either of these species, and may have been very different from both. That was one of the key issues raised in the interpretation of Ardipithecus. Lovejoy and colleagues [2] made the case that Ardipithecus is a better representative of many of the traits of our last common ancestor with chimpanzees. Chimpanzees have changed substantially since that ancestor lived, in some ways paralleling the evolution of gorillas and orangutans. If this interpretation is correct, then looking to living apes as models for our ancestors will mislead us on many aspects of their biology -- a point made at length by Lovejoy with Ken Sayers in a 2008 paper [3].

Still, we shouldn't misunderstand this line of argument. Saying that stem hominines were anatomically distinct from chimpanzees doesn't really change the plain English meaning of the word "ape." If we seek a high degree of phylogenetic precision, we shouldn't use the word "ape" anyway -- it's not a taxonomic term. But to introduce the concept of evolution, it's equally misleading to avoid plain language. We shouldn't shroud Miocene hominoids in mystery, as if phylogenetic branching could magically transform them into new organisms. They evolved. Where once there were only apes, now there are some different apes. And us.

Osborn's hypothesis marks the dark side of ape denial: If humans didn't evolve from apes, they may instead have evolved independently from some non-ape ancestor instead:

There is all the difference in the world between kinship and ancestry. When we come down to what we all believe in -- to an anthropoid stem stock, a group from which both the anthropoid apes and man were derived -- we get a neutral form which cannot be defined as either an anthropoid ape or man, but with that type, which has the potentiality of the human stock on the one hand and of the anthropoid ape stock on the other, we come to a parting of our ways, somewhere back in Oligocene time, millions of years ago (Osborn 1927:221, emphasis in original).

Were the chumans a "neutral form", definable neither as ape nor human?

In the 1920's, this was a serious scientific question. Living apes seemed to belong to a single family, humans to another. If orangutans and gibbons could be lumped with the chimpanzees and gorillas, then an independent lineage of apes might indeed go back to the Oligocene.

This idea stood against Darwin's view, and that of most of Osborn's contemporaries (Osborn mentions William Gregory and Arthur Keith explicitly). But it was more or less aligned with Alfred Russel Wallace's view of human evolution, which had been contemporary with Darwin's. Wallace had an independent line of human ancestry going back as far as the Eocene.

Today a heavy weight of genetic and fossil evidence supports a human-gorilla-chimpanzee clade. The ancestor of that clade, whether taxonomy calls it a hominid, hominine or something else, was in ordinary parlance an ape. In many characteristics it was "neutral" -- not assignable to either human or chimpanzee clades. Neither humans nor chimpanzees yet existed. But apes of many flavors did exist. Our ancestors were among them.

Here's Osborn's ending paragraph:

Science works by trial hypotheses. I have one hypothesis, my opponents another. To my mind there is a very strong evidence of the prolonged independent ancestry of man, an ancestry not of anthropoid ape type, but of a neutral, common type. I agree to many arboreal traces in human descent, but I dissent as to the geologic length of arboreal life which my opponents claim resulted in resemblance between apes and man; I dissent as to our ancestry from a type which had specialized as far in arboreal life as the anthropoid ape. My theoretic ancestor belongs to a pro-ape stage, which I call the Dawn Man line. But we are all keeping our minds open; only in that way can we get at the truth (ibid., 230).


References

The Observer has a nice article describing the "Frozen Zoo" of samples kept by the San Diego Zoo Institute for Conservation Research.

Dr Oliver Ryder, the geneticist who heads the Frozen Zoo programme, welcomes the news of Loring's work, which itself built on a breakthrough in 2007 by Japanese scientist Shinya Yamanaka. For Ryder it is confirmation that the zoo's founding as a sort of "bet" on the science of the future now has great prospects of paying off. "We wondered if one day pigs would fly. Well, now pigs are flying. I am very excited by the results," Ryder says.

The impetus for the article is work that has induced pluripotent stem cells from skin samples held by the zoo. Of course they're talking about the potential for cloning whole animals, which with a sample of more than 8000 individuals from many species is quite something. It would be worth archiving many more samples from wild individuals -- even fecal samples might be sufficient in the future.

Krystal D'Costa (Anthropology in Practice) links to a mini-documentary about the role of social media in the education of "Gen-Y": "Decade 2: Encouraging Educators to Rethink Social Media Strategies in the Classroom."

First, that these subjects are operating in a world that didn't exist five years ago. Some hold job titles like Social Media Strategist, and others are entrepreneurs who can shape their job as they want and need using social tools. These are individuals who have learned early the power of technology and shared communication, and they've harnessed it. Second, they're aware that they have needed to find their way in the dark. Several individuals in the documentary discuss how poorly prepared they feel their education has left them. This is an interesting statement when one considers reports that this not a tech savvy generation. And it prompts one to question whether the educational system can support the changing face of connectedness and business overall.

Are teenagers and college students learning about social media in the same way they learn about the birds and the bees -- mainly from their peers? Only a handful are really learning to control the media in their lives. People who end up in jobs like "Social Media Strategist" are the result of some kind of uncontrolled selection experiment.

Which maybe is as it should be. Uncontrolled selection experiments are pretty much how most successful people get started, I guess.

Coming soon: elderly cyborg farmers?

MANUAL labour is becoming more and more difficult for Japan's aging farmers, prompting a Tokyo professor to devise a high-tech solution: mechanise the bodies of the farmers themselves.

We have a course on the books here called "Human dimensions of robotics." It hasn't been taught for many, many years. I imagine it began as a labor relations course in the 1970s, when robots were becoming a big issue in factory work. Anyway, I've often thought it may be time to revive the title, with a very different focus.

(via Ann Althouse)

Filed under

New data on Ashkenazi population history

Bray and colleagues [1] report on genotyping of 471 people of Ashkenazi Jewish descent. This is one of the largest samples of a single human population, and is therefore very interesting for studies of population history and recent natural selection.

There's a lot in the paper. One of the key findings in the paper is that the Ashkenazi population doesn't look bottlenecked -- in fact, it looks outbred compared to Europeans generally. The paper also documents a high amount of admixture with non-Ashkenazi Europeans, ranging from 35% to 55%. Figuring out the actual history of the population -- when and where its ancestors lived and how they interacted with other people -- is beyond the scope of this kind of analysis. But I expect that somebody can put together a really compelling historical account using these data.

I turned quickly to the issue of selection. They are able to substantiate evidence of positive selection on several disease-causing alleles in the Ashkenazi population, including the Tay-Sachs allele. The lack of evidence for bottlenecks or founder effects pretty much takes away the alternative explanation. Yet they were unable to show statistical evidence of selection on some other disease-causing alleles in Ashkenazi populations:

To explore whether regions of selection in the AJ population included any loci of known Ashkenazi diseases, we examined 21 disease- and cancer-susceptibility loci with known mutations found at higher frequency in the Ashkenazi population. Only 6 of the 21 genes fell in or near (within 500 kb) the top 5% of the AJ iHS windows (Table 2). Among these is the Tay-Sachs disease gene, HEXA, whose selection has been widely debated (4, 5, 14–16) and was found ~400 kb downstream of a window on chromosome 15 identified in the top 1% of the AJ iHS hits. Although none of the SNPs interrogated immediately adjacent to the HEXA locus showed elevated iHS signals, it is possible that the nearby region may contain regulatory elements under selection that affect HEXA expression. Cochran et al. (14) speculated that selection of many of the AJ- prevalent disease loci, especially the lysosomal diseases, conferred an increase in intelligence that was necessary historically for the AJ economic survival. Our data shows evidence of strong selection at or near only six disease loci, including only one out of the four AJ- prevalent lysosomal storage diseases, thus arguing that most AJ disease loci are not under strong positive selection, but rather rose to their current frequency through genetic drift after a bottleneck. However, we cannot exclude the possibility that selection of some AJ disease loci are outside the limits of detection by the extended haplotype tests, which are known to have less power to detect se- lection of lower frequency alleles (38, 41).

It seems to me that this passage probably wasn't written by the same author who showed the lack of evidence for founder effects a few pages before. In this case, the confusion probably comes from the fact that the "detection of positive selection" is actually a refutation of the hypothesis of genetic drift. With a larger sample it will be possible to test the hypothesis with greater power.

Ddisease-causing alleles are at low frequencies currently, making them unlikely to rise to the top percentages of the statistics. It would be interesting to control for current frequency, but I haven't seen a test that uses frequency information in this way.

It's quite remarkable to reflect on the idea that positive selection has now been demonstrated on six disease-causing alleles in the Ashkenazi population. Every one of these is a case of overdominance -- where the heterozygote carrying an allele has some selective advantage, while the homozygote carrying two copies has a disorder. I was having a conversation with a very prominent geneticist a few months ago, who claimed that no case of overdominance in humans had ever been demonstrated except sickle cell. Now, that was obviously false even at the time -- as I pointed out, the many hemoglobinopathies are fairly clear examples. But we've come an awfully long way.

From data like these, we're going to learn a huge amount about low-frequency selected alleles. The Tay-Sachs-causing allele is one of the most common recessive lethal genes in any human population, but like all genes subject to strong selection in homozygotes, it remains rare. Finding selection on these kinds of alleles is very hard unless sample sizes increase to several hundred individuals. Here we are seeing evidence of selection in historic populations -- within the last 2000 years. More will be coming.


References

Artist Noah Scalin gets a play date at the Mutter Museum, and here's what he does:

(via Dudecraft).

Filed under

Did you know that the three-volume Handbook of Paleoanthropology is a thousand dollars from Amazon?

A thousand dollars! I thought that the prices of edited volumes had gotten out of control, but wow! I like open access because I know when I write something, I want people to be able to read it without worrying about how to afford it.

Anyway, it looks like the books can be had for $500 from other sellers. Don't know why Amazon is so high. I was looking for one of the articles, and couldn't figure out why the library keeps them on permanent reserve. Guess now I know -- they're too expensive to replace!

You may have seen that story about "jazz" being the hardest Hangman word. Personally, I always figure that such a short word is hardly fair, but I'm not that good at Hangman. The inside story of how they figured out the hardest words is kind of interesting -- it involves a guy writing a Mathematica Demonstration to play Hangman and his daughter getting annoyed at never being able to beat the computer and its dictionary.

(via Chad Orzel)

I want to pass along a story from Slate's Monte Reel, about a modern-day Ishi in remote Brazil: "The most isolated man on the planet."

Eventually, the agents found the man. He was unclothed, appeared to be in his mid-30s (he's now in his late 40s, give or take a few years), and always armed with a bow-and-arrow. Their encounters fell into a well-worn pattern: tense standoffs, ending in frustration or tragedy. On one occasion, the Indian delivered a clear message to one agent who pushed the attempts at contact too far: an arrow to the chest.

It's hard to tell how sensationalized the story is, but the reality is that there are many small groups of people who survive on the run from squatters intent on driving them from their land.

The Guardian has a helpful entry in its series on careers: "What to do with a degree in anthropology."

Most don't pursue graduate work:

Of the anthropology graduates who left university in 2008, 51% were in employment after six months in a diverse range of careers such as advertising and sales (8%), business and finance (6%) and public or private sector management (12%). However, a large number were working in catering (15%) or in clerical roles (20%) – no doubt a reflection of the current scarcity of graduate-level jobs.

I think there is no degree that articulates so well with a broad range of other fields -- there are ways to combine anthropology with everything from history to engineering. That's one reason why graduates have such a broad range of careers, they're led by their interests in other fields as well.

Filed under

From the Chronicle of Higher Education, an article by Jeffrey Young: "College 2.0: Teachers Without Technology Strike Back."

I think that the article confuses matters by lumping together people with many different aims. Which I guess is sort of the point of all "technology in college" conversations. Different applications require different pedagogical approaches. There's no sense pointing out "Luddites" unless you can show the way that a particular technology would increase their effectiveness. A college's investment in teachers is a whole lot more expensive than the investment in clickers, projectors, online courseware, and the rest.

Nevertheless it's entertaining to see cherry-picked examples of professors proudly rejecting technology:

His professor made students write short papers and then gave extensive feedback, which forced them to hone their arguments and express themselves more clearly. And he made them write out the papers in longhand, in blue books, during class. "There's something about the immediacy or exigency of it," Mr. Leeds said. "When I took those written exams, I found that I made connections that I didn't know I knew—it shook up my brain cells like a supernova."

So today Mr. Leeds requires his students to write short, in-class papers. In blue books. By hand. Just like his favorite professor did.

From the comments:

No wonder some people would rather go to jail than to college.

Many have the same attitude about Powerpoint, I know.

David Sloan Wilson has been posting a series on behavioral economics ("Economics and evolution as different paradigms"). This, broadly speaking, is based on the idea that humans are not rational actors, and the ways that we act irrationally actually matter to the subjects of traditional economics, like markets and

In Wilson's description, focusing on some recent books, it's a field that badly needs an infusion of evolution:

As a symptom of the problem, consider the number of times that the word "evolution" is used in the three aforementioned books. It's easy for me to check because I have them on my Kindle. The answer is zero, zero, and two respectively, with the two uses in Animal Spirits tangential. Somehow, these authors think they can identify the real Homo sapiens without consulting the genetic evolution of our species or cultural evolution as an ongoing process. With a handful of exceptions, this is representative of the field as a whole.

How is this possible? The subtitle of Animal Spirits provides the answer: Behavioral economists consult psychology, not evolution, in their quest to find the real Homo sapiens, and their psychological inquiry does not lead them to consult evolution in any meaningful sense. This is because most psychologists don't consult evolution in any meaningful sense.

I have seen a number of preprints from people trying to integrate evolutionary perspectives into behavioral economics. A problem is that they are very simplistic on the evolutionary side, in some of the same ways that evolutionary psychology can be. Humans are not rational actors, but neither are they identical to each other. If the model does not entail explanations for variability, then it's not going to explain many interesting phenomena.

French Neolithic discontinuities

Marie-France Deguilloux and colleagues [1] present a short analysis of ancient mtDNA recovered from a Neolithic burial at Prissé-la-Charrière, between the Loire and Garonne valleys of western France.

The mtDNA sample in the end was only three individuals -- one haplogroup X2, one U5a and one N1a. Each is intriguing, as far as a single sequence can be, because all are rare or absent from France today. I think one shouldn't go far interpreting three samples, but they contribute to the view that Neolithic mitochondrial variation in Europe was very different from recent Europeans. The N1a and U5b sequences fit within the already-known Neolithic (and for U5a, Mesolithic) variation in central and northern Europe.

It is from the U5a that Deguilloux and colleagues make a point about possible Mesolithic population continuity.

Subhaplogroup U5b has also been encountered in German Neolithic remains from the Corded Ware Culture (Haak et al., 2008) and in the hunter-gatherers studied by Bramanti et al. (2009), although in both instances, the branches concerned were distinct from the U5b in the Prissé sample. It is, however, worth noting that haplogroup U5 has been encountered in surprising frequency in the hunter-gatherers studied by Bramanti et al. (2009) and could correspond to a Mesolithic heritage.

The story of N1a is that it was very common in the central European Neolithic, even though it is very rare today. That was first noted by Wolfgang Haak and colleagues [2], and has in subsequent years been joined by the observation that the pre-Neolithic hunter-gatherers had yet other common haplogroups. The population history of Europe was a lot more interesting than we suspected 10 years ago.

Deguilloux and colleagues attempt a conservative explanation for the frequencies of N1a in Neolithic samples:

The widespread distribution of the N1a lineage in Early and Middle Neolithic northwestern Europe may indicate genetic continuity from Mesolithic populations. This scenario would support a Mesolithic contribution to the earliest Neolithic of Atlantic Europe. This would imply that the N1a lineage was already common in indigenous north European populations and that the spread of the Neolithic was principally the result of cultural diffusion. Although so far the N1a lineage has not been encountered among late European hunter-gatherers in central and north Europe (Bramanti et al., 2009; Malmström et al., 2009), it is worth noting that less than half of the hunter-gatherers' paleogenetic data come indeed from the pre-Neolithic period (predating LBK expansion). Finally, no paleogenetic data currently exist for the Mesolithic period in Western Europe. This prevents any conclusion being drawn about N1a occurrence during the Mesolithic period in those regions.

I will note this -- the more that N1a is replicated across the Neolithic of Europe, the less and less likely that its subsequent vast reduction in frequency could result from genetic drift. When there was only one or two samples from Central Europe with high N1a, it was at least possible that this was a local founder population that did not spread its mtDNA diversity very far. If it were localized, even in the central Danube (a fairly big region) it might be possible to maintain that the later decline of N1a to its present low frequency had been due to population replacement.

Now N1a seems like a real marker of the LBK, spread widely into Western Europe. It may be, as Deguilloux and colleagues suggest, that it will be found at substantial frequencies in earlier samples somewhere in Europe. We do want some explanation for how it got to be common in this culture area.

Dienekes has written about the study. His point is a good one: If N1a were present somewhere in pre-Neolithic Europe, it would require some kind of "partition" of the pre-Neolithic population, along with its propagation -- presumably southeastward -- into the LBK of central Europe. Seems doubtful.

The study includes an illuminating paragraph about the sources of contaminating sequence in these Neolithic extractions.

Strict precautions were followed during all procedures (including precautions during excavation) and proved to be effective, because all researchers who directly participated in this study (from people working in the field to those working in the laboratory) were genotyped and their sequences were never observed during analyses. However, European sequences were randomly found in clones (28% of the sequences obtained). These specific sequences are regularly observed in the laboratory, whatever the project tackled (including samples from Polynesia or South America), in clones from samples or negative controls. They are not reproducible for a specific sample and are different from researchers' sequences. These facts lead us to suspect the contamination of PCR reagents (Leonard et al., 2007). It was relatively easy, however, to discard those contaminating sequences from our analyses because they were largely in the minority when compared with endogenous sequences.

It would not be very difficult to compare the results from different labs and do a forensic-quality analysis of these reagent contamination events. Surely a good fraction of ancient DNA results prior to the last few years must represent such contamination. Nowadays people have the expectation that Neolithic-era remains may have rare or exotic haplogroups, but it hasn't been so long since people assumed that French equals French. I expressed some concern about this criterion before -- "strange" stands in for "non-contaminated" in too many studies.

It might be very helpful to have a paper outlining the actual contamination pathways that have been found to affect multiple labs. Then the results could be compared against reports that have come out over the years. If people are reluctant to cull doubtful ancient DNA results, at the very least they can target a set for replication studies.


References

Twenty Million Papers in PubMed: A Triumph or a Tragedy?

That’s a lot of data and it’s growing at a rate of about one paper per minute (on average).

A full list of "triumphs" and "tragedies" at the link. I'm not too worried about the proliferation of noise, but wish that something could be done about the problem of non-unique author names.

Filed under

Do high rejection-rates perversely make some journals more likely to be wrong?

That's the question that occurred to me, reading a column by David Freedman ("Why experts are usually wrong"). Freedman, whose book is Wrong: Why experts keep failing us--and how to know when not to trust them, makes a big point of the high rate of medical studies that are later shown to be incorrect. Put together the desire for easy answers, the pressure for positive results in grants and publications, and a strong tendency toward groupthink, and you end up with a club of experts that propagate wrong information.

It was the passage about journals that made me think:

These journals want the same sorts of exciting, useful findings that we all appreciate. And what do you know? Scientists manage to get these exciting findings, even when they’re wrong or exaggerated. It’s not as hard as you might think to get a desired but wrong result in a scientific study, thanks to how tricky it is to gather good data and properly analyze it, leaving plenty of room for ambiguity and error, honest or otherwise. If you badly want to prove an experimental drug works, you can choose your patients very carefully, and find excuses for tossing out the data that looks bad. If you want to prove that dietary fat is good for you, or that fat is bad for you, you can just keep poring over different patient data until you find a connection that by luck seems to support your theory — which is why studies constantly seem to come to different findings on the same questions.

Take a journal that rejects 19 papers for every one it publishes. A paper will be much more newsworthy, and therefore more likely to get through the publication filter, if it has some unexpected result. Or, in some fields, if it provides a key confirmation of some bigwigs' pet theories. Even marginal statistics may be enough to get these kinds of papers published, because they'll attract a lot of attention and citations. A negative result in most fields, even with very strong statistics, doesn't drive that kind of interest.

It seems to me that these conditions should make a journal more likely to contain erroneous results. Journals would like us to think that more rigorous peer review makes up for these biases, but clearly it won't, unless reviewers demand systematically lower p-values.

Filed under

Migration thinking

Murray Cox and Michael Hammer have a short commentary piece in the current BMC Biology, titled, "A question of scale: Human migrations writ large and small" [1]. They review a few recent papers concerning human migration and intermixture -- including the Neandertal genome draft [2], the paper by Chuanxiang Li and colleagues showing Bronze Age admixture in the Tarim Basin [3], and their own work quantifying historical gene flow inside and outside Africa [4].

It's a short review, but I thought their conclusion serves some thought -- they discuss some of the theoretical complexity of estimating ancient rates of gene flow. The simple model assumes constant rates, but human populations aren't simple.

We expand on just one of these points for illustration (Figure 3). Even when gene flow is inferred explicitly, existing methods invariably assume that it has remained constant through time. However, it seems more reasonable that two diverging populations might share more migrants initially (due to shared geography or existing social relationships), with gene flow subsequently decreasing exponentially as the two populations move apart (Figure 3a). Or gene flow might increase exponentially as two geographically separated populations begin to move closer together (Figure 3b). Alternatively, gene flow might suddenly resume between two long separated populations; for instance, where geographically disconnected populations came back into contact, either as hunter-gatherer groups during the late Pleistocene (Figure 3d), or as human mobility increased following the development of farming in the Holocene (Figure 3c). The important point is this: two populations can look very similar (FST = 0) or very different (FST = 0.3) even when they have exchanged the same number of migrants (that is, graph lines with the same color in figure 3). It is therefore insufficient to consider only how many migrants have moved between populations; we also need to know when these movements occurred.

I don't reproduce the figure, because it's complicated and I think the text is sufficient to establish the point. Averages aren't very meaningful. I'll point out that there is some hope of testing these hypotheses, if we consider selected genes -- which have a time that they originated.


References

The Chronicle of Higher Education reports on an "internal document" from the Marc Hauser investigation: "Document Sheds Light on Investigation at Harvard". The Chronicle story begins by detailing how discrepancies in coding monkey behavioral responses first came to light, but stops short of giving fuller insight into the investigation. This extract conveys some of the breadth of what was uncovered:

They then reviewed Mr. Hauser's coding and, according to the research assistant's statement, discovered that what he had written down bore little relation to what they had actually observed on the videotapes. He would, for instance, mark that a monkey had turned its head when the monkey didn't so much as flinch. It wasn't simply a case of differing interpretations, they believed: His data were just completely wrong.

As word of the problem with the experiment spread, several other lab members revealed they had had similar run-ins with Mr. Hauser, the former research assistant says. This wasn't the first time something like this had happened. There was, several researchers in the lab believed, a pattern in which Mr. Hauser reported false data and then insisted that it be used.

The article also extracts an e-mail from Hauser to his graduate students at the time of the incident. It's not shocking in its tone -- certainly no more than many of those leaked climate e-mails -- but it does show the kind of pressure he was imposing upon the graduate students working on his experiments.

(via Greg Laden)

Gordon Watts writes an interesting story of tenure review and the productivity of a long-lasting experiment in particle physics: "200 Run 2 Papers from DZERO." Let's just say that the journal cuts off access to a university because a single researcher is printing papers for his tenure review! And this:

As far as DZERO’s ability to mark passing time, there are 18 people that have helped this experiment and didn’t live to see the 200’th paper.

(via Not Even Wrong)

Filed under

Time to revise the mtDNA timescale?

Krzysztof Cyran and Marek Kimmel (2010) have presented a revised set of estimates of the human mtDNA most recent common ancestor (MRCA). It's an interesting theoretical paper, written for the purpose of developing a method that doesn't rely on the same assumptions as the usual coalescent models.

Their new method gives an estimate of 174,000 years ago for the human MRCA. They report an upper/lower range as 96,000 to 449,000 years ago. That range does not represent a confidence interval on the estimate, it's an upper/lower based on extreme assumptions about human/Neandertal genetic distance and the human/Neandertal MRCA.

The Neandertal mtDNA has really affected the way we estimate human MRCA, at least for the mitochondrial genome. Chimpanzees are just too distant. When we compare human and chimpanzee mtDNA genomes, there has been a lot of parallelism and reversal on both lineages, because mutations have hit the same place multiple times. Multiple hits and purifying selection make a mess out of rate estimation -- generally, they make the human MRCA seem a lot older than it truly was. The Neandertals are closer, and are therefore less of a problem.

But the Neandertal-human MRCA itself was poorly known, as long when we had only chimpanzees to calibrate the mutation rate....

On the topic of invasive species, here's one about algae spreading worldwide on the soles of hip waders: "Fly Fishers Serving as Transports for Noxious Little Invaders".

“We people are clearly the vector for its spread,” said Jonathan McKnight, a wildlife biologist with the Maryland Department of Natural Resources who is trying to protect streams like the Youghiogheny River from didymo, whirling disease and other aquatic invaders.

“It’s fly fishermen who are doing it,” Mr. McKnight said. “The people who love and appreciate those rivers the most have got to be the ones protecting them.” He said his department planned to ban felt soles this fall.

Not in the story: the British Columbia streams where didymo originated were mostly under glaciers 10,000 years ago. It was a rapid invader in that habitat long before fishermen got involved.

Syndicate content