john hawks weblog

paleoanthropology, genetics and evolution

Darwin

  • Hrvatski Origin of Species

    Thu, 2008-02-07 11:25 -- John Hawks

    A letter to the editors of Nature by Jasmina Muzinic notes the new translation of Darwin's works into Croatian:

    Charles Darwin's On the Origin of Species and The Descent of Man have at last been translated into Croatian, thanks to the work of the renowned science and theology translator Josip Balabanic. Other European countries -- including Denmark, the Netherlands, France, Germany, Italy, Poland, Russia and Sweden -- had access to Darwin's works in their mother tongue during his lifetime. But it was not until this year that Croatian students of biology could read them in their own language.

    Cool.

  • Links that won't waste your time, Jan. 27 edition

    Sun, 2008-01-27 14:17 -- John Hawks

    Stories about genetics, paleoanthropology, and other stuff have been falling this week faster than I can keep up, but happily I'm not alone. Here are some of the more interesting blog-takes on recent stuff:

    Pigment use by Neandertals

    Julien Riel-Salvatore writes about recent work by Maria Soressi and Francesco d'Errico establishing that Mousterian pigment nodules were used as crayons:

    The reason why this ongoing study is so convincing is that the authors used replicative referents that objectively establish the microscopic and rugosimetric features of blocks of coloring materials worked in different manners and with different tools. This provides an objective baseline against which to compare the characteristics of objects found in assemblages attributed to Neanderthals and to determine whether they bear evidence of having been purposefully manufactured by human action.

    I'll write more about this when I get a chance, but Julien's post is valuable and provides translated (from French) excerpts of the relevant papers.

    Genetic diversity in African cattle

    Razib writes about a New York Times Magazine article that details the cultural and economic pressures around cattle breeding in Uganda. People are bringing in Holsteins, because even though they are finicky in the African climate, they can give as much as 20 times the milk of the native Ankole cattle. The Ankole breed resembles those that American cattlemen would call "Watusi."

    Here's a passage from the article:

    Not everyone in Uganda, however, agrees that the foreign breeds are an upgrade. President Yoweri Museveni once imposed a ban on imported semen. Museveni belongs to the Bahima ethnic group. When he was a baby, in a sort of Bahima baptism ritual, his parents placed him on the back of an Ankole cow with a mock bow and arrow, as if to commit him symbolically to the defense of the family's herd. Museveni, now in his 60s, still owns the descendants of that very cow, and he retains a strong bond to the Ankole breed. Two years ago, I accompanied a group of Ugandan journalists on a daylong trip to one of the president's private ranches, where he proudly showed us his 4,000-strong herd of Ankole cattle. At one point, a reporter asked if the ranch had any Holsteins. "No, those are pollution," Museveni replied. "These," he said, referring to his Ankoles, "the genetic material is superior."

    Razib's comment on another passage:

    I guess it's nice that [the author] put quotes around [genetic] dilution, but the rest of the article suggests to me that the author hasn't internalized that genetics is discrete, and that information isn't destroyed through cross-breeding. Rather, it seems that a good program of cross-breeding could result in a superior breeds of Holstein optimally suited to the local climate. That's what happened with indigenous African lineages as they hybridized with introduced South Asian ones 2,000 years ago to produce the Ankole according to the article! This sort of piece in a widely circulated publication such as The New York Times Magazine could have been a serious examination of agricultural and quantitative genetics, and just how much we depend on these unsexy sciences to feed the world. As it is, there's a lot of hand-waving scare-mongering....

    The usual argument in favor of preserving diversity of domesticated species is as a hedge against future uncertainties like climate change or novel diseases. Another reason is to preserve local flavor -- that's why people grow "heirloom" vegetables, for instance. But it is quite certain that the pasturage devoted to traditional breeds of cattle well decline if imported breeds provide a net economic advantage. In that case, the best way to preserve diversity is cross-breeding -- which also has the direct advantage of introducing locally adapted genes into the descendants of the foreign breed.

    This is what African herders have been doing for thousands of years, as evidenced by the spread of zebu genes across the continent. These European imports are merely the newest version.

    What are genetic tests good for?

    Hsien-Hsien Lei has an invited post by Ann Turner, noted for her book, Trace Your Roots With DNA. Turner comments on the new genetic tests from deCODEme and 23andMe:

    Since I'm interested in genetic genealogy, I am more attuned to the ancestry components of the deCODEme results. The admixture results are interesting to anyone who suspects they may have ancestors from different geographical areas. The detailed chromosome graphs also show the potential for tracing segments of DNA shared with even more distant relatives. For instace, it was recently found that a block carrying a colon cancer gene could be traced back to a couple who arrived in the US in the early 1600's. This sort of thing might very well show up in the "Compare Me" feature.

    Evo-devo and its detractors

    On the subject of guest posts, Carl Zimmer is running an essay from Jerry Coyne. The essay is a response to a blog post by Olivia Judson, in which she reviewed the ideas of Richard Goldschmidt and suggested that the macromutation theory may be primed for a comeback, using recent results from evolutionary developmental biology (evo-devo) as a jumping-off point. Coyne has been one of the foremost critics of the idea that evo-devo is somehow "changing" basic conceptions in evolutionary biology.

    Unfortunately, her piece is inaccurate and irresponsible, especially for a journalist with a strong science background (Judson has a doctorate from Oxford). I've admired Judson's columns and her whimsical and informative book Dr. Tatiana's Sex Advice to All Creation. But this latest posting is simply silly. As an evolutionary biologist, I'm used to seeing our field twisted out of shape to satisfy the demands of journalists who love sensational new findings--especially if they go against long-held Darwinian beliefs like the primacy of gradual, stepwise evolution. But I'm not used to seeing one of my own colleagues whip up excitement about evolutionary biology by distorting its findings.

    I have to say I find the entire concept of a "New York Times blog" to be interesting. They have quite a lot of them now, and they are not clearly demarcated from other editorial content at the Times website. That's not a criticism, but it does mean that readers tend to think they come with the full authority of the Times' editors. To me, they read just like any other blog post anywhere, but for a picture of how people perceive their importance, just look at their comment sections.

    That was enough in this case to bring Jerry Coyne out of the woodwork. I think his slapdown is a little extreme (Remind me not to get on his bad side!). But Judson was clearly mistaken to equate today's evo-devo results with Goldschmidt's ideas -- a link that evolutionary developmental biologists themselves deny. At any rate, Coyne's forceful advocacy for his point of view makes for good reading, and I would recommend it to anybody interested in where evolutionary developmental biology is going and how it will influence our ideas about evolution over the next few years. Here at Wisconsin I am at one of evo-devo's epicenters, and I can see a number of ways that it may transform our ideas of human evolution. So in that sense, I am more sanguine than Coyne about the prospects for understanding morphological changes with developmental insights. At the same time, I agree substantially that the genetic questions must ultimately be answered in genetic terms.

    The discussion in Zimmer's comments section digresses into what Stephen Jay Gould may or may not have thought about saltational changes in evolution. I think that is essentially unenlightening, in the sense that quote-pulling out of Gould can reinforce almost any point of view.

  • Blogging for Beagle

    Fri, 2008-01-25 10:18 -- John Hawks

    The Beagle Project Blog lists me as one of the top ten senders of traffic to their site, which reports on the efforts to replicate the original voyage:

    We aim to celebrate Charles Darwin's 200th birthday by building a sailing replica of HMS Beagle and recreating the Voyage of the Beagle with an international crew of researchers, aspiring scientists and science communicators. The voyage will apply the techniques of 21st century science to Darwin's journey, inspiring a new generation of scientists and promoting the public understanding of evolution and wider science.

    So, I thought I would post to send them a little more!

  • Theory or law?

    Thu, 2008-01-10 15:30 -- John Hawks

    Andrew Sullivan has been posting comments from readers about why evolutionary biology is comprised of "theories" rather than "laws." I found these via Razib, who naturally has more interesting things to say than Sullivan or his commenters. But no one in the conversation has really given an answer to the question, other than some vague idea of what it takes to "qualify" as a "law." I think the answer is historical, and demands that we consider a number of so-called "laws of evolution" and their fates.

    As evolutionary biology got underway in the late nineteenth century, its main proponents called many of its major ideas "laws." I give a number of examples toward the end of the essay, but to begin with, Darwin referred to the "Law of Natural Selection." When Mendel was rediscovered, his two main ideas were called "Mendel's Laws of Heredity": the "Law of Independent Assortment" and the "Law of Segregation." Those two have stuck around.

    The "Hardy-Weinberg Law" is hardly ever called that anymore; "law" being replaced by "principle."

    It seems to me there's an obvious historical reason why evolutionary biologists reject the term "law" -- too many of the so-called "laws" of evolution ended up being false!

    The premier example is Haeckel's "Biogenetic Law": "Ontogeny recapitulates phylogeny." The theory of recapitulation came with an entire suite of concomitant mechanisms to explain its exceptions, In the end the idea was conclusively falsified. The mode of evolution of developmental processes can generate similarities between ontogenetic and phylogenetic sequences, but there is no causal mechanism constraining these other than the normal mechanisms of genetics.

    There are other outmoded "laws" of a similar vein. The "Law of Orthogenesis" is now rarely referred to as a "law", but its main proponents certainly called it one. Then there was the "Law of Irreversibility" -- the idea that evolution couldn't "go backward" to bring a population to an ancestral morphological pattern.

    The empirical and theoretical failure of these so-called "laws" did not suppress evolutionary biology's taste for overarching statements about patterns and process. But their failures did tend to make people skeptical of the idea that "laws" of evolution would really be found. Also, the discovery of actual "laws" of heredity yielded a theoretical interest (enshrined in population genetics) for reducing the overarching pattern of evolutionary history to the mechanisms of heredity.

    The influence of recapitulation over embryology has been well-documented, and of course the main detractors from the early development of population genetics as the mechanism of evolution were morphologists -- embryologists, paleontologists, biometricians. This possibly influenced early population geneticists like Fisher to refer to their mathematical formulations as "theories" or "principles" rather than laws -- although this is just a speculation and I would like to see documentary evidence.

    What seems clearer is that after the biogenetic law was rejected, empirical generalizations in biology tended to be called "rules" rather than "laws". Consider "Romer's rule", the "Island rule" (also called "Foster's rule"), "Rensch's rule", and (this is a genetic example) "Hamilton's rule."

    Maybe the best example is "Cope's rule", which started out as a "law" but was turned into a rule by people who still found it useful at midcentury. I find this sentence from the Wikipedia article on "Cope's rule" quite relevant to the shift:

    Note that semantically the "rule" in this context (unproven assumption with exeptions) refers more to a rule of thumb, trend or a belief than to a truth, law, fact or a norm.

    That's certainly the way that biologists today think of these "rules." Interestingly, Cope was also responsible for the "Law of the Unspecialized", which is uncommonly enough invoked that the "law" name has stuck.

    Still, in physiology and anatomy (biological fields, to be sure), "law" is widely used. "Kleiber's law" relates body mass and metabolic rate. "Sherrington's law" refers to the simultaneous stimulation and inhibition of opposing muscles. "Wolff's law" relates bone growth to mechanical loading. Most of these have just been held over from the nineteenth century, but not all -- Kleiber's law was formulated in the 1930's just as "law" was going out of vogue.

    In short, I think that the reasons why evolutionary biologists don't call ideas "laws" are basically historical. It has nothing to do with whether a "mathematical formulation" can be found -- there's certainly none underlying Wolff's Law, which is still called that. It has entirely do do with the rejection of over-ambitious "Laws of Nature" as applied to the outcomes of the evolutionary process. The worst offender was the biogenetic law, but there were others as well.

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  • Why accelerated adaptive evolution is faster evolution

    Sun, 2007-12-23 18:20 -- John Hawks

    RPM at Evolgen has a post raising a concern I've been seeing a lot the last week or two:

    If you add up all three classes of mutations -- deleterious, neutral, and beneficial -- and figure out how many have fixed over the time scale you're looking at, you get the amount of evolutionary change along the lineage in question. So, to say that there was increased evolution along the human lineage in recent history implies that there was an increase in the total number of genetic changes. However, an increase in the amount of adaptive evolution (or an increase in the number of mutations fixed by positive selection), means there was an increase in the number of beneficial changes along the human lineage in recent history.

    Here's the point in a nutshell:

    1. Our recent acceleration paper suggests that the rate of adaptive human evolution has vastly increased during the past 40,000 years.

    2. Some people confuse the idea of adaptive evolution with the idea of neutral evolution.

    3. We can't let this happen, because, well, choose one: (a) we're good acolytes of Stephen Jay Gould; (b) people might start suggesting that all the human phylogeography based on "neutral" loci is irrelevant or worse; (c) we have a deep concern with the pattern of evolution of gene variants that don't actually do anything interesting.

    I tend to notice that the various critiques of acceleration don't include any mathematics. I don't really understand this, since the math is simple. It is a whole lot easier to look at this algebra than to write a four or five-paragraph blog post!

    So, let's consider some of the mathematical relations describing neutral evolution and how they apply to the recent increase in human population numbers.

    1. The expected change in frequency of a neutral allele each generation is zero. That is, after all, why we call them neutral.

    2. But the variance in the change in frequency of a neutral allele is related to population size -- in fact it is p(1 - p)/2Ne, where Ne is the effective population size (actually the variance effective size).

    3. Because of this relation, neutral alleles in large populations change more slowly in frequency than those in small populations. Once human populations reached an effective size on the order of 100,000 -- certainly by 40,000 years ago -- the change in allele frequency due to drift alone became extremely small (on the order of 10-6 or less per generation).

    4. So neutral evolution in the past 40,000 years should have vastly slowed compared to earlier phases of human evolution.

    Except...

    5. Changes in population size make absolutely no difference to the neutral substitution rate. The rate of generation of new neutral mutations is directly proportional to population size (2Neu for an autosomal locus). But the rate of fixation is inversely proportional to population size (1/2Ne). So the neutral substitution rate is simply u: the neutral mutation rate, irrespective of population size. That's part of what makes the neutral substitution rate cool -- and of course, what underlies the molecular clock assumption.

    6. From this, we might conclude that the rate of neutral evolution was absolutely unchanged in the last 40,000 years. Of course, now it is obvious that the problem is what we mean by "rate" -- do we mean the substitution rate or the per-generation rate of change in allele frequency?

    Except...

    7. It should be obvious that we don't mean "neutral substitution rate" because this is irrelevant to recent human evolution. The fixation time of a new neutral mutation is directly proportional to the effective size of the population (4Ne generations for an autosomal locus). It doesn't take much figuring to show that is a long, long time from now with today's population size. There is no chance that a new neutral mutation within the last 40,000 years could be near fixation today -- in fact, every neutral segregating allele 40,000 years ago ought to still be segregating today!

    8. From that perspective, we might well conclude there has been no neutral evolution in the last 40,000 years -- because it is vanishingly unlikely that any neutral variation has been lost during that time.

    Except...

    9. Our study actually did find a large number of neutral areas of the genome that had recently approached fixation, and a much larger number of initially rare neutral variants that have reached substantial frequencies during the last 40,000 years. Empirically, neutral evolution has been very rapid during recent human history. This is entirely the result of ...

    10. Hitchhiking. The fast rate of generation of new adaptive mutations means that the rate of neutral evolution by hitchhiking has vastly accelerated in the recent past. This is, after all, how we manage to find evidence of selection in the first place -- the hitchhiking effect on neutral markers!

    Therefore, the rate of neutral evolution in humans really has accelerated, as a function of hitchhiking on new adaptive mutations. For every selected mutation, we are talking about hundreds of kilobases' worth of linked neutral variants that have been experiencing rapid changes in frequency due to hitchhiking. In the long run, this will have not a jot of effect on the neutral substitution rate, but it accounts for most of the neutral evolution of allele frequencies in human populations.

    I expect that there will be people who don't like this idea. I expect many of them have been counting on various neutral markers being informative about population movements. I'm not saying that neutral markers aren't informative, but we really need to consider the effects of selection on these distributions of markers.

    Another class of people who don't like this idea are those who propagate one of my pet peeves -- the idea that we need to "invoke" selection as some kind of extraordinary event. The use of this term is very clear: Its only purpose is to vilify folks who want to explain evolution in terms of Darwin's mechanism. It's precisely the same way that we vilify creationists -- they want to "invoke" supernatural forces to explain evolutionary changes.

    It's time to get the message -- natural selection has been the major force driving recent human evolution. Humans are no exception to the natural order -- any species that has increased in numbers and changed in ecology to the extent of ours should undergo a rapid pulse of selection resulting in the appearance and proliferation of many more new adaptive mutations. In fact, it looks like domesticated species like maize have undergone a similar effect. There's no "invoking" here, and neutrality is not a hypothesis that can explain these observations.

    The foregoing should make one thing very clear -- I have nothing against neutral evolution. I am not an "adaptationist", and have no stakes whatsoever in the "adaptationist-neutralist controversy". This is not a matter of preferences or verbal arguments -- it is simple algebra!

    What's more, its pretty obvious that this account of recent neutral evolutionis an evolutionary scenario of which Stephen Jay Gould would have been proud: the most widespread source of change in human genes is chance linkage to a relatively small number of selected sites.

    It's just that there are quite a few more of these selected sites than anybody probably expected to find.

  • An interview with Anne Weaver

    Tue, 2007-12-18 17:04 -- John Hawks

    I was surprised and delighted last week, when I got in the mail a copy of the new book, The Voyage of the Beetle.

    It's what my daughter Sophie would call a "chapter book" -- a reimagining of Charles Darwin's Voyage of the Beagle as seen through the eyes of a beetle named Rosie. It starts with the real story of Darwin popping a beetle in his mouth, and proceeds along with his journeys and discoveries. Anyway, Sophie made off with it, so I guess Amazon's suggestion that the book's reading level is 9-12 years can extend to a bright 7-year-old.

    The best treat is that the author, Anne Weaver, is an anthropologist! She's now working as a full-time writer in Santa Fe. She took her Ph.D. from the University of New Mexico and previously taught at Santa Fe Community College. Anne graciously agreed to answer some questions about her book and her earlier work on human brain evolution.

    Hawks: Your new book, Voyage of the Beetle, was a lot of fun for me to read. Could you describe it a bit for readers, and let us know how you got the idea?

    Weaver: I'm so glad you liked the Beetle! It was fun to write, too. The book was inspired by Charles Darwin's own account of his seminal five-year voyage on the H.M.S. Beagle. I loved Darwin's youthful enthusiasm, his unbounded curiosity, and his lively descriptions. I wanted to introduce a wider audience to this appealing character whose ideas changed the way we think about life on earth.

    The Voyage of the Beetle is narrated by a rose-chafer beetle named Rosie. It's written as a search for the "Mystery of Mysteries," the question of species origins. Rosie uses encounters with the natural world -- based on descriptions in The Voyage of the Beagle -- to provide clues to the mystery. She writes the clues in beetle tracks in Darwin's journal while he is sleeping. The reader is invited to come up with a solution before Charles does.

    The book is intended to work for readers at many levels. It unfolds as an adventure story, with humor and anecdotes to appeal to younger readers. There is a wide cast of Rosie's cousins who discuss adaptation, variation, and ecology in accessible language. At the same time, every chapter opens with Darwin's own words, and the elements of natural selection theory are presented "straight up." We've also put up a web site (http://www.voyageofthebeetle.com), where we're starting to develop classroom activities and provide a forum for questions ("Ask Rosie").

    Hawks: What has been the reception for the book so far?

    Weaver: George Lawrence, the Beetle's gifted illustrator, and I have been delighted with its reception so far. The responses have been very positive, from a local reviewer who called the Rosie character "riveting," to little kids we've met at book signings, to junior high and high school biology teachers who are delighted to find engaging materials on evolution for their classrooms. We also got a nice write-up in the Books section of Science News, and we're looking forward to a review by the National Center for Science Education early next year.

    Hawks: I'm often asked by students what kinds of career possibilities follow with a degree in anthropology. And a surprising number of my colleagues and students have turned out to be writers. What got you started writing?

    Weaver: My writing is a direct outgrowth of teaching. I taught at Santa Fe Community College practically from the first day I got my M.S. until very recently. From the beginning I was fascinated by the challenge of communicating complex material in an exciting and lucid way. And writing is an extension of that challenge. The great thing about being published is that all your hard work doesn't just vanish into the ether the way it does after a lecture. The downside is you don't get that magical live interaction that happens when a class is really cooking. Though if your recent posts are any example, John, blogging can be very rewarding in that respect.

    Hawks: How do you see it working out? Do you have another project in the works?

    Weaver: George and I have a second book under contract with UNM Press, called Children of Time. It's a unique series of stories that take the reader into the world of early hominids from the viewpoint of child fossils (the Taung child, OH 7, the Turkana boy, a Neandertal infant from Amud, the Dolni Vestonice teenagers.) Obviously this is a work of imagination, but I've been scrupulous about reconstructing credible situations and environments from the literature to bring the fossils to life in an authentic way. We're very excited about this book. The text is complete and has gone through review, and George has about one-third of the illustrations done. They are beautiful, even more evocative than the ones in the Beetle. They're poignant and vibrant and as accurate as he can make them as far as facial reconstructions and postcranial proportions go.

    I'm also working on a historical mystery set in 1878 in a Colorado, using the genre format to explore the excitement of creating communities in the wilderness, the complexities of cross-cultural encounters, and the implacability of historical forces.

    Hawks: Any advice for students?

    Weaver: I've long been inspired a quote attributed to Goethe: "Whatever you can do, or dream you can, begin it. In boldness lies genius, power and magic."

    ...And stick with anthropology. It won't make you rich, and it is in fact hard to find a full-time job in the field, especially when higher education is relying more and more on adjuncts, but it's the most interesting subject in the world, and it opens a thousand doorways into new insights.

    ...And if you're an undergraduate, especially a freshman, find ways to make the material you're studying your own: make a chart, draw a picture, rewrite in your own words, explain what you're trying to learn to someone else. Learning involves changing the physical properties of your brain. Most things worth learning, most complex and interesting things, don't get into your brain just by reading, or passively listening to a lecture.

    ...And if you're going for a Ph.D., there comes a point where it's not about how smart you are. It's about never giving up. Remember, in the end, there are only two kinds of dissertations: Done. And Not Done.

    Hawks: Some of my readers remember your work on human brain evolution, in particular, the pattern of evolution of the cerebellum compared to the rest of the brain. I find myself looking your 2005 PNAS paper a lot, because like much of Ralph Holloway's work it shows that brain reorganization has been a major aspect of our evolution. How did that work come about?

    Weaver: I've been thinking about it, too, especially in the context of your recently published paper. (Congratulations!!!) My work provides support for the hypothesis that the human brain continued to evolve after 30,000 years ago. It also suggests that an element of that evolution involved a reduction in the relative size of the neocortex and an absolute and relative increase in cerebellar volume. Surprisingly, it looks like the neocortex of recent humans is actually smaller in proportion to the rest of the brain than it was in either Neandertals or early modern humans.

    Since the PNAS paper was published, I have become interested in the concept of "distributed cognition" as the selective context for continued brain evolution. My hypothesis is that cerebellar algorithms enable contemporary humans to manage the massive information available in complex cultures more efficiently. I'm also intrigued by the fact that the cerebellum is in a computational loop with the dorso-lateral prefrontal cortex, the last cortical region to reach adult proportions, in late adolescence (Giedd 2004). Maturation of the dorso-lateral prefrontal correlates with Piaget's terminal stage of cognitive development, which he called "formal operational" thinking, along with other behaviors associated with impulse control, planning and problem solving -- all survival skills in contemporary human societies.

    The original impetus for the cerebellum research came from the same motivation that attracts me to historical/prehistorical fiction. I started out wanting to know how our ancestors thought, how they interacted, how they perceived the world, how it felt to "be there". Which meant looking at their brains. Which led me to Ralph Holloway.

    Ralph once said that an endocast resembles a baked potato. Even so, through his meticulous work over the past forty or more years, he has managed to squeeze a few drops of blood from those stones. His work was particularly inspiring to me because from his earliest writings Ralph de-emphasized the frontal lobes and went beyond what John Searle called "cortical chauvinism."

    Then I read Leiner, Leiner and Dow's 1986 paper, "Does the cerebellum contribute to mental skills?" the same summer I took gross anatomy at UNM Medical School as part of my Ph.D. requirements. Leiner et al. wrote about the possible contribution of the cerebellum to a broad range of cognitive tasks. Since then, a huge volume of literature has addressed the cerebellum's role in cognition.

    Unlike most other functional regions of the brain, the cerebellum occupies a discrete compartment in the endocranium, the posterior cranial fossa, which is measurable in an endocast. I did a little pilot analysis using rudimentary linear measurements (e.g. from Kochetkova 1978). It looked like there might be significant variation in relative cerebellar size among fossil hominids. So I wrote to Ralph, and he invited me to his Paleoneurology Lab at Columbia.

    Ralph and his students, especially the gracious and generous Michael Yuan, were very supportive of my work and sanguine about my prolonged intrusion with a monster digital scanner.

    Hawks: Do you have some scientific projects you're working on, or are you full-time writing?

    Weaver: I am writing a lot, as well as volunteering with local organizations dedicated to improving science education in our schools. I am also hoping my new web site (http://www.voyageofthebeetle.com) will evolve into a substantial resource for teachers, with classroom activities as well as an "Ask Rosie" e-mail feature.

    Hawks: You were a student of Erik Trinkaus and Joseph Powell at the University New Mexico in Albuquerque. What was that like? Any stories you can relate about your training?

    Weaver: I had an opportunity to begin graduate school as a "non-traditional" student when I was in my forties. It was a stroke of fortune that my first class was with Erik Trinkaus. I still remember the "Wow" moment when he talked about how you could look at the shape of a bone and extrapolate its function. Erik's knowledge, his academic integrity, his intellectual creativity, and his rigorous insistence on sticking to the evidence bowled me over. They still do. It was a transformative encounter.

    When Erik left UNM for Washington University, Joe Powell agreed to be my committee co-chair. Joe is a skilled statistician, which was a great help. And though he was battling a severe illness at the time he was my advisor, he was very supportive.

    Lawrence Straus was my third mentor and committee member at UNM. I loved taking his classes. He has an encyclopedic knowledge of the European Paleolithic. Lawrence has long emphasized the cultural continuity between the Middle and Upper Paleolithic and de-emphasized the idea of an Upper Paleolithic "explosion." His perspective on the archeology gave an important context to my neurocognitive analysis. And I appreciated his generosity in including me in field work at the magnificent El Miron Cave, near Santander in northern Spain one summer.

    References:

    Giedd JN. 2004. Structural Magnetic Resonance Imaging of the Adolescent Brain . Ann NY Acad Sci 1021:77-85. doi:10.1196/annals.1308.009

    Leiner HC, Leiner AL, Dow RS. 1986. Does the cerebellum contribute to mental skills? Behavioral Neuroscience 100:443-454.

    Kotchetkova VI. 1978. Paleoneurology. Halsted Press, New York.

  • Why human evolution accelerated

    Wed, 2007-12-12 07:50 -- John Hawks

    n. b. This is a story about my work on recent human evolution, describing some of the main results and how the work came about. The story refers to my paper (with Gregory Cochran, Eric Wang, Henry Harpending, and Robert Moyzis), "Recent acceleration of human adaptive evolution," which came out in December, 2007.

    Like most good stories in biology, this one begins with Darwin. Darwin was always very interested in animal breeding, which he considered the best analogy for the process of natural selection. Of course, if you're breeding livestock and want to select for some characteristics, it is important to select from as large a herd as possible, because large populations have more variation in them. Darwin recognized this as an important condition for natural selection, which relies on sufficient variation in natural populations.

    [A]s variations manifestly useful or pleasing to man appear only occasionally, the chance of their appearance will be much increased by a large number of individuals being kept.... Hence, number is of the highest importance for success.

    These words from the Origin, "number is of the highest importance for success" were influential.

    This is a quick review of the research, based on a presentation I gave earlier this year. It is not complete, and glosses a number of very important details. A close reader looking for how to do genomics would be better served reading the actual research paper. Here, I'm trying to express the science for everyone else.

    By 1930, R. A. Fisher picked up Darwin's idea about numbers, predicting that evolution in large populations could be faster than in small populations. However, this is not in all circumstances, but only where the number of new adaptive mutations is quite small -- in other words, where evolution is "mutation-limited":

    The great contrast between abundant and rare species lies in the number of individuals available in each generation as possible mutants.... The importance of the contrast lies with the extremely rare mutations, in which the number of new mutations occurring must increase proportionately to the number of individuals available.

    A long history of research in plant genetics (corn breeding), microbial chemostat experiments, and the examination of pesticide resistance in insects support Fisher's concept. For example, flies subjected to low doses of pesticide in the laboratory tend to acquire very complicated patterns of resistance -- involving slight changes in many different genes. These usually aren't transmitted perfectly and often have fitness costs; it's a very imperfect adaptation. But if pesticide is sprayed over a large area, flies sometimes appear very quickly with a single mutation that confers very complete resistance. Here, the very advantageous resistance mutation is incredibly rare -- it only occurs in maybe one in a billion flies. It would never occur in the small laboratory population.

    Our growing population

    Human populations have been growing rapidly during the last 50,000 years or so. That increase began around the time of the Upper Paleolithic -- that's documented by archaeological evidence. There was a later massive increase during the Neolithic. This agricultural transition actually was quite heterogeneous: earlier in West Asia and China, later in Europe, and then later still in subsaharan Africa. Last, we have within the last few hundred years seen a massive increase in numbers associated with industrialization and globalization of technology.

    One day a couple of years ago, Greg Cochran and I were talking about brain evolution. You have to understand, this is long before we knew about any of these genome scans -- they hadn't come out yet. One of the main mysteries of human brain evolution is why it happened apparently gradually for such a long period of time. It is one of the best cases of evolutionary gradualism. But this is a problem, because directional selection would have too be too weak to take such a long time. Now, we know that brain size is constrained in two directions -- larger brains cost more energy to maintain, but smaller brains come with some functional disadvantages. So this creates a situation where new variants that satisfy both constraints -- costing little energy, or making great improvements in brain function -- must be very rare. It should be mutation-limited.

    I remember very well, that at precisely the same moment, we both realized -- "Hey, maybe this great increase in human population size made a difference!" Because as we'll see later, the pattern of change in brain size really changed when populations started to get really big.

    You see, this is one of those very rare cases where the theory preceded the data! It is quite simple; the rate of mutations in a population is a linear product of the rate per genome and the population size.

    Not all mutations are advantageous, and not all advantageous mutations will be fixed. The vast majority are lost. If a mutation has a selective advantage, then the chance that it will proceed toward fixation (and attain high frequency) is 2s -- "s" here is the fitness advantage. That means that 90 percent of new mutations with a 5 percent fitness advantage are simply lost.

    The most beneficial mutations are very rare; it is much more likely that a new mutation will be weakly selected. This is another aspect of selection that has been well-known since Fisher. So the chance of fixation increases with s, but the likelihood of the mutation decreases with s -- in fact, the number decreases exponentially as selection is stronger and stronger.

    If you put all these together, you can predict how many selected changes you should see in a population that has been growing in size. This tells us the number of new adaptive mutations that should come into the population each generation. It is still linear with population size -- a larger population should have more mutations in precise proportion to its size.

    Still, a very small fraction of the mutations in any given population will be advantageous. And the longer a population has existed, the more likely it will be close to its adaptive optimum -- the point at which positively selected mutations don't happen because there is no possible improvement. This is the most likely explanation for why very large species in nature don't always evolve rapidly.

    Instead, it is when a new environment is imposed that natural populations respond. And when the environment changes, larger populations have an intrinsic advantage, as Fisher showed, because they have a faster potential response by new mutations.

    From that standpoint, the ecological changes documented in human history and the archaeological record create an exceptional situation. Humans faced new selective pressures during the last 40,000 years, related to disease, agricultural diets, sedentism, city life, greater lifespan, and many other ecological changes. This created a need for selection.

    Larger population sizes allowed the rapid response to selection -- more new adaptive mutations. Together, the the two patterns of historical change have placed humans far from an equilibrium. In that case, we expect that the pace of genetic change due to positive selection should recently have been radically higher than at other times in human evolution.

    Finding selection in the genome

    Now, it comes to a problem of how we can see recent mutations that have been selected. A genome scan is based on things that vary, not things that are fixed. So we are looking at some window of frequencies. In our study, that was a window from around 22 to 78 percent.

    Before we go too far, it is important to point out that an adaptive gene will be in a window where we can detect it for only a short time -- it spends a long time getting up to an appreciable frequency (here 22 percent, which is our lower ascertainment bound) and a long time going from a high frequency (here 78 percent) to fixation -- this is for a dominant. But it spends only a very short time in the window where we can see it.

    And strongly selected genes go through this window quite a lot faster than weakly selected ones.

    The importance of this is that we will see genes with different strengths of selection at different ages. Our constraint is that right now all the things we can see are variable -- but some are variable because they originated a short time ago and were very strongly selected, and others are variable because they originated a long time ago, but were very weakly selected.

    You can guess, that we expect to see more of the weak ones than the strong ones, because there should be more of them! So the window should give us a view of the strength of selection as well as the number of mutations. If we can estimate the ages of our mutations, then we can predict how many there should be at different strengths of selection, and try to quantify the effect of population size.

    Here, we've drawn a graph showing the number of genes in the window, compared with the number that are still variable in the population -- they are on their way to fixation -- but they are outside the window. This is for a growing population, so you see that the number of these genes increases as you get closer to the present.

    Tip of the iceberg

    There are many more that we can't see than the ones we can see -- this is like the tip of the iceberg. That is one aspect of recent selection; these genes are in this intermediate frequency range for a short time, and there will be many more genes that are too rare for us to see with our current methods, but might be very important regionally or locally in some populations.

    Based on a model of population growth, we expect to see a big peak corresponding to the period when humans were growing rapidly during the Neolithic. The distribution should plunge down toward the present, because selection would have to be so strong on such a recent mutation for us to see it -- we're talking about 20 percent or more. Those just almost never happen. The true number, remember, is the iceberg under the water -- but we must make predictions about the part we can see.

    Linkage disequilibrium and selection

    Now, I need to say a few words about how we find these genes when we scan the genome. The International HapMap consists of a list of over 3 million genetic polymorphisms -- SNPs -- taken from a sample of people with ancestry in Northern Europe, West Africa, and East Asia. When we look at a sample of a long stretch of DNA from several people, we will be considering the frequency of many different polymorphisms.

    But more important, we have studied whether each polymorphism is linked to the others. As a new positively selected allele increases in frequency in a population, it is initially linked to a wide region including many nearby polymorphisms. This induces a long-distance association among SNPs, which is called linkage disequilibrium.

    When we are looking at a stretch of chromosome, what we can observe is that there are areas where recombination seems to be very rare around one SNP -- an in particular where one of the two SNP alleles has almost no recombinant chromosomes, but the other allele appears to have been recombining normally. That kind of mismatch is a strong indication of selection.

    I'm not going into the details of that process right now; I'll be posting some real examples of such LD decay analyses later in the week. After applying the analysis, we found more than 3000 in the Yoruba sample, more than 2800 in Europeans, and more than 2300 in Asians.

    These numbers are very large -- they make it look like this aspect of evolution, positive selection on new adaptive alleles, has been going very fast. But how long a time period are we looking at? Based on the local rate of crossing-over, we can say how quickly LD ought to be broken by new recombinations, and that allows us to derive age estimates. The ages represent the time that has elapsed since the initial mutation that established each adaptive allele.

    Here is a comparison between the ages of selected variants in the African HapMap and in the European HapMap. Let's look at this graph a little bit.

    Selected variants

    Each of these dots represents a number of different genes -- the y-axis is number; this is a histogram. The x-axis is the age. So you see, there are many of these selected genes that started around 10,000 years ago; there are many fewer that started around 40,000 years ago, and even fewer starting 80,000 years ago.

    These fitted lines are what you get if you fit a one-parameter model with very strong selection to these curves. You can fit these without considering the effects of population growth.

    But you notice some differences here between the African and European distributions. Africa has a few more total variants, but it especially has more older variants, before 10,000 years ago. You can see that during that time period, Europe has very few. And Europe has this later peak, where we see an earlier peak in Africa.

    These details are a very good match to demographic growth -- Africa had much larger population size during the Late Pleistocene than Europe, but West Asia, and then Europe had earlier Neolithic expansion than Africa -- so we see these early times have a lot more selected variants within Africa, and later on there is a pulse of adaptive variants in Europe.

    Testing acceleration

    At this point, we have a theory that predicts acceleration of new adaptive variants, and we have data that appear to show a very fast recent rate. But we haven't yet directly tested the hypothesis of acceleration.

    We chose a null hypothesis approach. After all, the rate of change looks like it has been very high recently, but what it if were always very high. A constant rate of change is a null hypothesis -- the hypothesis of no change, or in our case, no acceleration. So we worked out the predictions of this hypothesis: a constant, high rate of selection. If we could show that those predictions aren't true, then we could disprove the null hypothesis and show that adaptive human evolution accelerated.

    We took several different approaches, testing predictions on different kinds of data. For one thing, if the null hypothesis were true, then there should be a whole lot more selected mutations that have already reached or approached fixation, than the relatively small number that we see still varying in human populations. So to test the null hypothesis, we should look for evidence of these fixed selected substitutions.

    That's exactly what we did -- we looked at other means of assessing the number of recently fixed and near-fixed variants.

    Fixed variants

    On the bottom of this graph, we have the European age distribution of variants in our window. This should represent a small fraction of the total number that have happened across this time period. But you can see from this graph, that if the rate was constant, the total number should be very, very large -- since we are looking at 10-generation bins, here we have around 150 predicted substitutions every 10 generations, or around 1/2 per year. Most of these should be way above our window, in fact, as we go back toward 40,000 years ago, almost all should be close to or at fixation.

    This large number of completed sweeps should have vastly reduced human genetic variation, because polymorphisms tend to hitchhike along with nearby selected alleles. Hitchhiking up to fixation tends to eliminate variation. When we look at the effect of hitchhiking under this constant selection hypothesis, the genome-wide average diversity should be less than a tenth of what we actually observe. So that also disproves the null hypothesis.

    How much acceleration?

    Down at the bottom of the graph, you see the predicted number of selected variants over our window, under the hypothesis of population growth -- exactly the demographic growth that really happened to humans. And here you see, that there are many, many fewer of these predicted, and in fact over the long course of human evolution, the rate would have been very low.

    We can put a number on just how low, and when we do that, we can see how much human evolution has sped up. For example, if we have 1/2 of a substitution per year, well, there are around 12,000,000 years separating humans and chimpanzees (6 million since the common ancestor, in both these lineages). So if adaptive substitutions had happened at a constant rate as high as the last few thousand years, we should be looking at around 6 million fixed adaptive substitutions between humans and chimpanzees.

    But in reality there have been nowhere near that number. There are only 40,000 total amino acid substitutions between humans and chimps. Not all those were selected -- maybe only a third. We can add in some additional selected sites outside of coding regions, but still we are looking at an increase in the rate of new adaptive mutations in humans that is 100 times faster than could possibly have been true during most of human evolution.

    Our evolution has recently accelerated by around 100-fold. And that's exactly what we would expect from the enormous growth of our population.

    What is all this selection for?

    We know something about the functional categories of genes inferred to be under selection; we are studying this now. We expect it will keep us busy for some time.

    In a general view, they illustrate the idea that changing cultures and ecologies have been important in changing the pattern of selection. For example, many of the selected genes are involved with pathogen defense -- for new pathogens that didn't always exist. Some are apparently related to metabolism or even directly to diet, in terms of processing new food sources. Of course, lactase is an excellent example in this category.

    These are not the kinds of phenotypes that have a lot of visibility in skeletal remains. But we have a skeletal record of these populations during the last 40,000 years. We know a lot about what they looked like and how they changed. So we may try to relate the pattern of genetic, skeletal, archaeological, and other kinds of changes over time.

    One obvious way to test hypotheses about these changes would be to sample ancient DNA from skeletons. In this way, we could see if the new selected alleles are in them or not. This spring, a paper by Burger and colleagues (PNAS) sampled ancient European skeletons, Neolithic skeletons, for the lactase persistence allele. They didn't find any who had that allele -- not a single one, and this is in Neolithic populations where today the allele is up over 90 percent in frequency. What is going on there?

    Lactase allele over time

    In this case, it is quite obvious by considering population genetics. We have a very good date for this lactase persistence allele, from many sources -- it is around 6000-10,000 years old. And you can see in the figure, a new selected allele will remain at a very low frequency for a long, long time after its origin. Here, these skeletons were sampled at a time when the selection pressure favoring the allele was present, but the allele had not yet increased to a substantial frequency. In fact, this allele would have been rapidly increasing through these intermediate frequencies much more recently -- we're talking here about Roman times. And today it is over 90 percent in Scandinavia, but considerably lower in Italy and Southern Europe.

    In the future, we will be able to sample for genes more widely in ancient skeletons. At the same time, we will be able to sample skeletal changes to try to correlate them with allele origins. That is some research that I have applied for a number grants to support, and I think it will be very promising.

    Conclusion

    I hope that this essay gives an introduction to the work we have done. This was based on a presentation about the research I gave earlier this year. There are many missing ends, and I'll be adding more information over the next several days about ways of testing for selection, as well as some of the more surprising implications of our research. I've written it without a bibliography, which I can direct you to the paper for a full set of references.

    Synopsis: 
    I describe the background of our 2007 work on accelerating human evolution.
  • Woods Hole sued for firing creationist

    Fri, 2007-12-07 21:17 -- John Hawks

    From Reuters:

    BOSTON - A Christian biologist is suing the prestigious Woods Hole Oceanographic Institution in Massachusetts, claiming he was fired for refusing to accept evolution, lawyers involved in the case said on Friday.

    ...

    [Nathaniel] Abraham, who was dismissed eight months after he was hired, said he was willing to do research using evolutionary concepts but that he had been required to accept Darwin's theory of evolution as scientific fact or lose his job.

    The Massachusetts Commission Against Discrimination dismissed the case this year, saying Abraham's request not to work on evolutionary aspects of research would be difficult for Woods Hole because its work is based on evolutionary theories.

    Saying it would be "difficult" is an understatement. It is hard for me to understand how you could rationalize the use of a model organism like zebrafish (this person's subject) without an evolutionary framework.

  • Judgment on "Judgment Day"

    Wed, 2007-11-14 09:28 -- John Hawks

    I just watched the new Nova documentary, "Judgment Day: Intelligent Design on Trial." The documentary examined the background of the Kitzmiller v. Dover trial. A short summary: A Pennsylvania school board, led by a majority of creationist members, decided to impose an "evolution disclaimer" in biology classes, claiming that intelligent design (ID) is an alternative scientific theory. The statement directed students to the intelligent design creationist book, Of Pandas and People, 60 copies of which had been anonymously donated to the district. Science teachers in the district refused en masse to read the statement, and a number of parents sued in federal district court, claiming a violation of the Establishment Clause of the First Amendment.

    More on the trial and the "Judgment Day" documentary may be found at the National Center for Science Education website, including the NCSE's archive of documents related to the trial.

    As a viewer, I found the documentary interesting -- it went behind the story to interview people in Dover on both sides of the case. They interviewed the science teachers who decided as a group to oppose the school board's statement. They talked to the teacher who left the district because he couldn't teach in an environment where he was required to discuss creationism, but then ran for school board to try to fix the schools his kids would still attend. They related the stories -- most offensive, the people who called the Sunday-school-teaching school board candidate an "atheist" because he wanted evolution taught properly.

    Most important, the documentary showed the extent to which the trial itself was a science lesson for the attendees. The witnesses for the plaintiffs, including Ken Miller and Kevin Padian who were featured in the film, presented clear expositions of the success of evolution as a scientific theory, featuring its accurate predictions about transitional fossils and molecular genetic findings. These kinds of presentations clearly show the importance of learning evolution as the central foundation of biology.

    I take this as the most important message of the film: One of the witnesses (I forget who) related a story that a journalist asked, incredulous, why he hadn't been taught such examples in biology classes. The response: the extent of creationist feeling on school boards across the country means that today's biology textbooks are watered down, with a bare minimum of evolution content, to make them sell more widely. The film includes an interview with school board member Bill Buckingham, who -- when evaluating the new biology textbook coauthored by Ken Miller -- found "literally 16 or 17" references to evolution. Personally I found it astounding that there would be so few in a huge biology textbook. I suspect he missed some, but the point remains: high school biology curricula do not include evolutionary biology in any substantial way. That jibes with my experience teaching: my undergraduates find some of the most elementary facts surprising, because they have never heard them before.

    Yet, as a teacher, I found the documentary very unsatisfying. Although it gives a valuable perspective on the trial, and on today's ID movement, it is much too long to show in my courses. The information about evolution in the film is inspirational, but it is ultimately very superficial. Not only the existence of the examples, but also their details are important to understanding why evolution explains them. Yet, Nova was really not able to explore these details,

    In a now-standard science-doc trick, they introduce Darwin's theory with a clever 3-d graphic of the "tree of life," quickly zooming over various parts. They return to this image again and again through the film, quickly zooming over pretty much the same parts. It's repetitive, redundant, and very uninformative. Yes, Darwin predicted that all life forms are related, and that there should be transitions between different kinds of organisms. Yes, the "transitional fossil" concept was important to the trial. But repeating the icon of the tree of life hardly reinforces that message, and it provided no new information at any point in the film where it appeared.

    I was surprised that the documentary had such trouble showing the concept of transitional fossils. The film makers chose to devote a 5-minute segment to Tiktaalik. It is surely one of the best recent examples of transitional fossils, but it is entirely irrelevant to the trial because it hadn't been published at that time! They mentioned the long list of other transitional forms discussed at the trial; I can't believe that they couldn't have done a better job of presenting this evidence. If they had used the same time to discuss 4 or 5 transitions in moderate detail, they would have made a segment that could be used effectively in courses.

    The film highlights just how foolish the ID witnesses were made to appear by the plaintiff's lawyers -- remarkably, Michael Behe admits that astrology would be taught as science by his definition of the term. But it leaves the likely impression with many viewers that this foolishness is "a lot of fancy lawyer tricks."

    For many, the facts of the case will stand by themselves -- the school board had only to demonstrate that ID was a credible scientific theory, and that they had no religious intent when they decided to require the ID statement in classes. That they failed on both of these simple counts shows that ID is simply a scam. This point is showed to great effect during the film with the testimony of Barbara Forrest, who had painstakingly tracked editorial revisions in Of Pandas and People, showing the botched text replacement of "creationists" in early drafts with "cdesign proponentsists". This ludicrous episode more than anything else demonstrates the dishonesty at the core of the ID movement.

    So I can recommend the film for anyone who didn't get a chance to see the first version. It documents the great chicanery of ID, still foisted on school boards across the country by scoundrels preying on religious feeling and misunderstanding of science. It gives a good feeling to see the truth about evolutionary biology's successes so effectively portrayed. And yet, it is really not suitable for showing in the forum that matters most: to students of biology.

  • Natural selection 101. Episode 1: The miracle of compound interest

    Sun, 2007-11-11 18:16 -- John Hawks

    --Originally posted August 24, 2007.

    Once upon a time, somebody probably told you that biologists don't need to know any calculus. Well, I suppose they were right: it is certainly true that most biologists don't use any calculus in their work. A purely practical biologist is like a purely practical banker -- as long as the computers do their jobs, why does anybody need to know how to calculate?

    Still, there is some point to knowing the theory that underpins the study of life. Math gives the theory its power. Understand the math, and you can unleash that power to find answers to new problems.

    During the last year or so, I have written nothing here about natural selection, quite purposively, even though anyone who knows me at all can tell you I hardly talk about anything else. Well, I tend not to write about what I'm working on; especially when it involves other people's observations as well as my own. I don't like it that way, but sometimes it's necessary. It especially stings when the major news in biology is that the world has changed to make selection relevant again. Still, to do my part in this change, I've maintained a respectable silence.

    Over this time, I have learned many mysteries about Darwin's force. Most geneticists approach natural selection as a kind of black magic. You see, find the right pattern of selection, and you can explain almost anything. You might think this is a desirable quality in a scientific hypothesis, but many people don't see it that way. Selection, in their view, is too often unfalsifiable. It's too hard to disprove. And besides, some things really do happen by chance alone. We have to give random chance at least a fair shot as an explanation, and if you can't disprove genetic drift (so the story goes), then you don't need to invoke selection.

    Besides, genetic drift is a much happier, friendlier hypothesis than selection. If somebody dies by genetic drift, it's nobody's fault. "Ooops, just a spot of bad luck, there! Move along, nothing to see here." By contrast, selection thuggishly entails that deaths and births have causes. For some reason, the idea that something should have a cause is offensive to some biologists. That is, after all, the point of The Spandrels of San Marco: Adaptationism, the assumption that phenotypic "traits" have discrete (and identifiable) causes, is a metaphysical assumption, not a tenet of Darwinism. Even those biologists who don't conform to the philosophy of narrow adaptationism, as described by Gould and Lewontin, have often felt the sting of the word; a real scarlet "A" for their dossiers.

    Perhaps more to the point, you can learn the essentials about genetic drift with a bit of algebra. Drift in a constant population is a linear process, and drift in non-constant populations can generally be approximated by linear modifications to the case of constant size. In contrast, natural selection is a logistic process, and understanding it requires differential equations.

    A combination of philosophy and calculus. You can see how selection got its reputation as black magic.

    Darwin's non-mathematical math

    The foundations of Darwinism are economic. This should not come as a shock: Darwin took his inspiration from Thomas Malthus, who formalized the idea that the geometric growth in population would outstrip resources that grow at a linear rate. That's math -- math that Darwin found compelling and used as the basis for his concept of natural selection. Here's a passage from page 47 of "On the Variation of Organic Beings in a state of Nature":

    It is the doctrine of Malthus (1826) applied in most cases with tenfold force. As in every climate there are seasons, for each of its inhabitants, of greater and less abundance, so all annually breed; and the moral restraint which in some small degree checks the increase of mankind is entirely lost. Even slow-breeding mankind has doubled in twenty-five years; and if he could increase his food with greater ease, he would double in less time. But for animals without artificial means, the amount of food for each species must, on an average, be constant, whereas the increase of all organisms tends to be geometrical, and in a vast majority of cases at an enormous ratio. Suppose in a certain spot there are eight pairs of birds, and that only four pairs of them annually (including double hatches) rear only four young, and that these go on rearing their young at the same rate, then at the end of seven years (a short life, excluding violent deaths, for any bird) there will be 2048 birds, instead of the original sixteen. As this increase is quite impossible, we must conclude either that birds do not rear nearly half their young, or that the average life of a bird is, from accident, not nearly seven years. Both checks probably concur. The same kind of calculation applied to all plants and animals affords results more or less striking, but in very few instances more striking than in man.

    Darwin sat on this expressly mathematical insight for nearly twenty years, until Alfred Russel Wallace arrived at it independently. Wallace sent Darwin his manuscript, Darwin forwarded it to Charles Lyell, and Lyell arranged the remarkable double publication of Darwin's and Wallace's essays in the Journal of the Linnean Society. Wallace's essay contains a very similar section to Darwin's quoted above -- the observed birth rate of animals should lead to geometric growth, yet this is impossible except over the shortest time span, so the natural check on population growth must cause competition and selection of traits favorable to survival.

    Math-avoiding biologists have a true hero in Darwin, who -- even allowing for his characteristic nineteenth-century modesty -- was profoundly self-conscious about his failure to master algebra. In an autobiographical chapter of the collected papers edited by his son Francis, Charles Darwin himself describes his resignment about math:

    I attempted mathematics, and even went during the summer of 1828 with a private tutor (a very dull man) to Barmouth, but I got on very slowly. The work was repugnant to me, chiefly from my not being able to see any meaning in the early steps in algebra. This impatience was very foolish, and in after years I have deeply regretted that I did not proceed far enough at least to understand something of the great leading principles of mathematics, for men thus endowed seem to have an extra sense. But I do not believe that I should ever have succeeded beyond a very low grade (Darwin 1887:46).

    So it is ironic that Darwin's greatest insight was so expressly mathematical. The force of natural selection emerges from the necessary conflict between the potential of geometric population growth and the constraint of limited resources. The conflict arises from excess reproduction itself, for if many are being born but the population still does not grow, then we can infer that just as many must die. Wallace's essay makes this point crystal clear, after considering that birds produce four or more offspring per year:

    A simple calculation will show that in fifteen years each pair of birds would have increased to nearly ten millions! whereas we have no reason to believe that the number of the birds of any country increases at all in fifteen or in one hundred and fifty years. With such powers of increase the population must have reached its limits, and have become stationary, in a very few years after the origin of each species. It is evident, therefore, that each year an immense number of birds must perish — as many in fact as are born; and as on the lowest calculation the progeny are each year twice as numerous as their parents, it follows that, whatever be the average number of individuals existing in any given country, twice that number must perish annually,—a striking result, but one which seems at least highly probable, and is perhaps under rather than over the truth (Wallace 1858:55).

    Many historians of science have found it very meaningful that the two men independently arrived at this formulation. It suggests that the idea of natural selection was in some sense "ripe" -- that the tenor of the times made science ready for Darwinism.

    Maybe so. But this "zeitgeist" argument misses an important point: this mathematical theory went without any mathematical description for over fifty years.

    To some extent, this lack of development can be blamed on the lack of a satisfactory theory of inheritance. When the mathematical development of a theory of natural selection was finally advanced by Haldane and Fisher, they had Mendelism to build it upon. If inheritance had turned out not to be Mendelian, a mathematical description of selection would likely have been harder. It is plausible that an earlier acceptance of Mendelian inheritance would have led to an earlier population genetic theory -- it certainly didn't take very long after Mendelism was rediscovered for G. H. Hardy and Wilhelm Weinberg to describe its statistical foundations (Jim Crow described the context of these discoveries in a 1999 perspective piece).

    Demography and selection

    Still, I don't find the lack of a gene theory to be a very satisfactory explanation. There is nothing genetic about Darwin's and Wallace's logic. Both men posed the problem in exclusively demographic terms. Certainly, both assumed that characters are inherited in some way, because without inheritance, natural selection would be impossible. But they were content to refer to the competition between varieties, which itself is quite sufficient as a basis for a theory of selection. The replacement of one variety by another shares a common demographic basis as the replacement of one gene by another.

    In other words, Darwin's and Wallace's description of selection emerged from facts about demography, not inheritance. Both Darwin and Wallace make clear that selection depends on the conditions of existence -- it may be abated when resources are abundant, and it may intensify when populations decline. These demographic conditions could have been easily modeled along the lines that both Darwin and Wallace suggested. The essential facts are all there in the 1858 papers: when populations shrink, varieties that gain resources less effectively may disappear, and when populations grow, more fecund varieties will replace less fecund ones. This is the distinction between survival and fertility selection, already present in Darwin and Wallace.

    We can imagine an alternative history in which these insights were rapidly developed into a demographic model of selection. Mathematical models of demography were not only available at the time Darwin and Wallace wrote, they were the advancing frontier of social science. Mathematical descriptions of demography became important in the 1800's for the same reason they remain important today: actuarial predictions. In the 1820's, Benjamin Gompertz considered the effects of changing mortality, while the logistic model had been formulated by Pierre Verhulst as early as 1838. Both models presented substantial refinements of Malthus' conception of geometric growth, including the very thing Darwin and Wallace most needed: a description of an equilibrium. For that matter, Euler developed a true age-structured model of population growth in 1760! When we consider that the demographic model of natural selection is entirely pre-Darwinian, the possibility of an earlier development of theoretical population genetics seems quite plausible.

    Such speculations are something like steampunk, that narrow corner of fiction that supposes Babbage had really built his Difference Engine No. 2, and imagines what would have happened next. But there is a point to it: Nineteenth-century demography was already well-equipped to incorporate selection. Doing so may at the least have jump-started epidemiology, which could have made much of good actuarial records. Tracking thousands of people was already undertaken by governments. On the other hand, the development of genetics required somebody to track thousands of flies, and that wouldn't happen for a while. Still, a good demographic theory of selection might have been incorporated into developmental biology, giving Mendelism a run for its money.

    So why didn't any biologist realize the potential of such modeling for understanding evolution? I can't find any historians of science who have considered this question, but we have some hints. Darwin and Wallace changed the direction of biology, but not its main research approaches. The nascent study of embryology and morphology, what we now would call "evolutionary developmental biology," was not based on demography, and had a radically different conception of possible mathematical descriptions of change. This may also account for the failure of biology to recognize the importance of Mendel's work -- another example of the power of algebra.

    Another reason for the tardy mathematical development: Rather than limiting themselves to a simplistic reductionist approach, biological theorists immediately tried to take in the full scope of nature in their evolutionary explanations. Haeckel was well known for this tendency in comparative biology -- he had to subsume every aspect of morphology into his Biogenetic Law. But the problems of demography could be equally baffling, if not reduced into a consideration of a single species at a time. For example, Alfred Lotka (1925:62) quotes this passage from Herbert Spencer's First Principles:

    Groups of organisms display this universal tendency towards a balance very obviously. In § 85, every species of plant and animal was shown to be perpetually undergoing a rhythmical variation in number -- now from abundance of food an absence of enemies rising above its average, and then by a consequent scarcity of food and abundance of enemies being depressed below its average. And here we have to observe that there is thus maintained an equilibrium between the sum of those forces which result in the increase of each race, and the sum of those forces which result in its decrease. Either limmit of variation is a point at which the one set of forces, before in excess of the other, is counterbalanced by it. And amid these oscillations produced by their conflict, lies that average number of the species at which its expansive tendency is in equilibrium with surrounding repressive tendencies. Nor can it be questioned that this balancing of the preservative and destructive forces which we see going on in every race must necessarily go on. Since increase of numbers cannot but continue until increase of mortality stops it; and decrease of number cannot but continue until it is either arrested by fertility or extinguishes the race entirely (Spencer 1867:502).

    Spencer and others were not content with describing what happened to a single population, because the dynamics of one population obviously depend on the populations of other species -- predators, competitors, and prey. An equilibrium between "expansive and repressive" forces required a consideration of those other species. Interestingly, Lotka quoted this passage in the context of providing just such a complicated model -- a system of equations modeling the interactions of an entire community of species.

    Demographic modeling would not make an impact on evolutionary theory until after 1900. Much of the revival was due to Lotka, who not only developed a continuous version of the Euler age-structured equation for population growth, but also extended the work of Vito Volterra to account for predator-prey relationships. Verhulst's logistic model was revived in 1920 by Raymond Pearl and Lowell Reed to describe the growth of the U.S. population.

    By this time, the first population geneticists, including Haldane, Fisher, and Wright, were ready to think about the demographic foundations of natural selection. Fisher showed how Mendelian genes could explain the variation in quantitative traits. Haldane showed how an advantageous gene would behave in a population. And then, in rapid order, Fisher demonstrated the essential connection of natural selection to demography.

    Compound interest

    Most descriptions of natural selection begin with Mendelism, and follow Haldane's formulation of the replacement of a deleterious allele by an advantageous one. Certainly there is merit in this approach, but it's not especially Darwinian. Haldane's model is surprisingly complicated in its mathematics -- no doubt to the consternation of many would-be population geneticists. Moreover, its assumption of a static population bears little resemblance to the continuous demographic flux described by Darwin and Wallace.

    So I'm going to do something very different. Instead of beginning with Haldane, I'm going to start with Fisher's demographic model. Fisher's model is based on the Euler-Lotka equation, and it is often overlooked by geneticists -- in fact I've never seen it in any population genetics text other than Gillespie's. But it is the foundation of life history theory and led directly to Hamilton's insights about strategy variants, later developed by Price and Maynard Smith. Plus, it takes a form that builds immediately upon the logic of Darwin and Wallace.

    The essential insight is one that any nineteenth-century banker would understand: population growth is like compound interest.

    A hundred dollars in the bank at four percent annual interest will grow to $104 in a year. In two years, you'll have $108.16. That's the initial $100 times 1.04 (104 percent) for one year, times 1.04 again for the second year.

    A simple equation will give us that result: if t is the time in years, r is the rate of interest, and x0 is the original principal, then after t years the account balance will increase to:

    x_t = x_0 * (1 + r)^t

    Now, if you will have $104 in a year, how much will you have in your account in six months? Simply, if we allow t to equal one-half (0.5) in the equation above -- for half a year of interest -- we find that the right amount is $101.98.

    The amount of interest in the first six months is different from that in the second six months -- and in general, the amount of interest in any period depends not only on the rate of interest but also the amount of principal at that instant. Banks generally simplify matters (to your slight disadvantage) by compounding interest only at long intervals of a month or more.

    However, we can write these relations in another form that will make them much more useful to us. In the equation above, we can consider the term (1 + r)t as two parts: a base (1 + r) and an exponent (t). We may substitute a different exponent and base if we choose. In particular, if we substitute the base e, then the equation above may be written:

    x_t = x_0 e^rt

    The exponential base e is exceedingly handy. Transforming our growth equation into an exponential growth equation lets us examine change as an continuous process. What is k? The value of k that will satisfy the equation is k=ln(1 + r). It is often called the constant of proportionality -- it represents not the annual rate of change, but the instantaneous rate of change. For a four percent annual rate of interest, the value k ≅ 0.0392. In other words, a bank could pay our account 4 percent interest compounded annually by giving us the proceeds from 3.92 percent compounded continuously, and pocket the difference. It's not much of a margin, since r exceeds k by such a small amount. In fact, this amount is the interest on the interest earned continuously during the year.

    The equation, xt = x0ekt, is a solution to the differential equation

    dx/dt = kx

    This equation says that the rate of change in x at each instant equals the product of k and x at that instant.

    Malthusian population growth

    Malthus translated this simple logic underlying compound interest to an insight about populations. To do this, he had to ignore all the complexities that would later be pointed out by Darwin and Wallace. True, the annual numbers of births and deaths within natural populations are always changing. Natural resources change, sources of food, enemies, diseases, and all of these cause fluctuations in the birth and death rates. But if we ignore these fluctuations, and assume that the birth and death rates are perfectly constant, then a population should behave just like a bank account. If the annual rate of births (per individual) is higher than the annual rate of deaths (per individual), then the population will grow according to the equations above. This kind of population growth is generally called Malthusian growth.

    During the 1950's up to the 1970's, the human population of Earth grew by around 2 percent annually. Since that time the global population growth has been somewhat less, and the United Nations estimates that in the year 2000, the global population grew at an annual rate of 1.14 percent.

    Biologists tend to measure time in generations rather than years. Anthropologists and geneticists often assume a generation length of 20 to 25 years, although these values vary in different populations. These times are intended to represent the average age at which people have children, but of course the actual times vary substantially. Why does all this variation matter? Well, for one thing, it's why we want to use a continuous model instead of a model that involves discrete generations. Since continuous means calculus, it's nice to have a reason for the effort!

    In the end, we will do a bit better than this for a model of population growth, by directly considering the variation in the age at reproduction. That will take a bit more doing, which will come after a couple more episodes.

    At the current annual rate of growth (1.14%), we can estimate the growth rate per 20-year generation as (1.14)20, or 25.4 percent. If this is the rate r per generation, we can estimate the constant of proportionality k as 0.226 per generation.

    Clearly Malthus was right: over the long term, this kind of population growth is not sustainable. Indeed, over the very long term, no rate of population growth can be sustainable. And yet, over evolutionary time, no species that is incapable of long-term growth can survive: the inevitable consequence of an indefinite decline in numbers is extinction.

    To examine natural selection, we will need a slightly more complicated model of demography -- one that combines the potential of growth with the fact that growth cannot continue indefinitely. In the next installment, we will see that model, and consider some of its distinctive predictions about the rate of change. These demographic conditions, as Darwin and Wallace saw, provide the context by which one variety may replace another.

    References:

    Crow JF. 1999. Hardy, Weinberg and language impediments. Genetics 152:821-825. Full text

    Darwin C. 1858. On the tendency of species to form varieties; and on the perpetuation of varieties and species by natural means of selection. J Proc Linnean Soc Lond Zool 3:46-50.

    Darwin C. 1868. The variation of animals and plants under domestication. 1 ed., vol. 1. John Murray, London.

    Darwin F, ed. 1887. The life and letters of Charles Darwin, including an autobiographical chapter. vol. 1. London: John Murray.

    Pearl R, Reed LJ. 1920. On the rate of growth of the population of the United States since 1790 and its mathematical representation. Proc Nat Acad Sci USA 6:275-288.

    Spencer H. 1867. First principles. Williams and Norgate, London.

    Wallace AR. 1858. On the tendency of varieties to depart indefinitely from the original type. J Proc Linnean Soc Lond Zool 3:53-62.

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