john hawks weblog

paleoanthropology, genetics and evolution

population dynamics

  • New Denisova and Neandertal DNA results reported

    Fri, 2013-05-17 08:37 -- John Hawks

    Elizabeth Pennisi reports from the Biology of Genomes conference at Cold Spring Harbor, New York: "More Genomes From Denisova Cave Show Mixing of Early Human Groups". The article describes a talk by Svante Pääbo about new results from Neandertal DNA, as well as new analyses of the Denisovan genome. It has lots of details for those interested in these topics, but the article is paywalled, so I can only share a little of it here:

    From the detailed genomes of both Neandertals and Denisovans, Pääbo and Montgomery Slatkin of the University of California, Berkeley, estimated that 17% of the Denisovan DNA was from the local Neandertals. And the comparison revealed another surprise: Four percent of the Denisovan genome comes from yet another, more ancient, human—"something unknown," Pääbo reported. "Getting better coverage and more genomes, you can start to see the networks of interactions in a world long ago," says David Kingsley, an evolutionary biologist at Stanford University in Palo Alto, California.

    With all the interbreeding, "it's more a network than a tree," points out Carles Lalueza-Fox, a paleogeneticist from the Institute of Evolutionary Biology in Barcelona, Spain. Pääbo hesitates to call Denisovans a distinct species, and the picture is getting more complicated with each new genome.

    We have been finding some of this in our comparisons of the genomes also. These were not isolated groups of ancient people, and some of them were more similar to living people than others. It is just wonderful to have more and more DNA coming out -- although that makes it hard to think we won't learn something new from high-coverage data that will require us to re-run various comparisons. That's the cost of discovery!

    Meanwhile, the article sheds light on two interesting contradictions in the Denisova data. The analysis of the high-coverage data last fall [1] noted that the pinky bone genome is consistent with a very small long-term effective size, because of its limited genetic variation ("Denisova at high coverage". These results included a "drastic decline in size" around the time the Denisovans were estimated to have separated their population from the ancestors of living sub-Saharan Africans.

    That result was curious in comparison with the mtDNA evidence. The Denisovan mtDNA is substantially more divergent from living human and Neandertal mtDNA, with an estimated time for the last common ancestor of mtDNA among these groups a bit more than a million years ago. In the initial analysis of the Denisova genome, Reich and colleagues [2] pointed out that even a deep divergence might be consistent with a neutral population history in a single population. But a population of radically reduced size, with a substantially more recent common ancestry shared with Neandertals and other ancestors of living people? Seems odd.

    Now, we may be learning that the Denisovan genome itself represents different ancestral groups -- not only a more ancient "something unknown" population, but substantially the local Neandertals. That kind of mixture is not the population history described by papers on the Denisova genome so far. And a third Denisovan mtDNA from one of the third molars at the site is substantially different from the other two, pointing to greater mtDNA diversity within the Denisovan population than now known from either Neandertals or living people.

    What does it mean? I don't think there's a contradiction here in the data. What this shows is that the methods applied to the data have been too simplistic. The methods will come to a result, but that result may not fit the data as well as a population model with more complexity. Looking only at one kind of comparison -- as the Li and Durbin model applied to the Denisova genome by Meyer and colleagues last year [1] -- will probably not give a result that describes the true population history. We need to keep our minds open to more complex population histories that may be more consistent with other sources of data, including archaeological and fossil information.


    References

    Synopsis: 
    A talk on new ancient DNA results at the Biology of Genomes conference
  • Riparo Mezzena and the Neandertal transition

    Sun, 2013-03-31 00:38 -- John Hawks

    A paper by Silvana Condemi and colleagues examines the anatomy of a partial mandible from Riparo Mezzena, Italy [1]. The mandible is a relatively late Neandertal specimen by its archaeological association and mtDNA sequence. As the introduction to the paper notes, the identities of skeletal specimens in the timespan from 45,000 to 30,000 years ago across Europe have been shifting along with radiocarbon ages and further analyses of fragmentary specimens. In this case, like other late Neandertals, the specimen bears a chin:

    This study of the Mezzena mandible shows that the chin region is similar to that of other late Neanderthals which display a much more modern morphology with an incipient mental trigone (e.g. Spy 1, Saint Césaire). In our view, this change in morphology among late Neanderthals reopens the debate on the "more modern like" morphology of late Neanderthals and can lend support to the hypothesis of a certain degree of continuity with AMHs or a possible interbreeding with them.

    The paper concludes that the Mezzena mandible lies morphologically amid the sample of modern humans from Upper Paleolithic and Levantine Middle Paleolithic contexts, even when compared to Neandertals like Saint Césaire or La Ferrassie 1 that have relatively vertical mandibular symphyses.

    I prefer not to play the game, "is it a Neandertal?", "is it a modern human?" If we had a sample of well-dated relatively complete specimens across the period from 45,000 to 30,000 years ago, we could test the hypothesis that two populations (earlier Neandertals and later "modern" humans) were genetically well-differentiated from each other. We don't have that sample.

    In my view, we shouldn't assume more than we know, which is that both the frequencies and combination of traits of earlier Neandertals are much more strongly present in Mousterian-associated specimens than in other, mostly later, industries. I don't yet see a reason to exclude the hypothesis that this pattern reflects both evolution and migration into Europe. And as I wrote last year, the late Neandertals may represent both evolution and migration into Europe from a central Asian or West Asian source population [2].

    One effect of genetic sequences has been to demonstrate that anthropologists' morphological distinctions among Neandertals don't match the groupings we would make along purely genetic lines. I considered this problem in my paper last year, "Dynamics of genetic and morphological variability within Neandertals" (open access, PDF) [2]. Jim Ahern and colleagues (including me) have showed that the Vindija G3 Neandertals have morphological features that are not typical of classic Neandertals, and that are significantly different in the modern human direction [3], [4]. Here's what I wrote last year:

    The discussion of genetic diversity among these Neandertals has not yet attempted to reconcile their genealogical arrangement with morphological classification schemes. The later Western European Neandertals that share a close mtDNA genealogical connection (Vindija-Feldhofer-El Sidrón) are not synonymous with "classic Neandertals". The well-known classic Neandertals include specimens such as La Chapelle-aux-Saints (France), La Ferrassie 1, Monte Circeo 1 (Guattari) as well as Feldhofer 1. This classic Neandertal sample includes specimens earlier than 70,000 years old and some as recent as 45,000 years ago. The classic Neandertals flank both the earlier and later sides of the 50,000-year-ago dispersal of Neandertals proposed by Dalen and colleagues (Dalen et al., 2012).

    Meanwhile, the clade that connects late European Neandertal mtDNA into a tight cluster includes great morphological diversity. The two Vindija mtDNA sequences included by Dalén and colleagues (Dalen et al., 2012) are both from layer G3 of the site, perhaps 40,000 years old. Both are derived from postcranial fragments without diagnostic morphological traits. The other material from G3 includes cranial, mandibular and dental remains that are not synonymous with classic Neandertal morphology (Ahern, 2004). These late Neandertals from Vindija display less pronounced morphology than classic Neandertals and lack traits that are common in the earlier classic Neandertals (Smith, 1992). These specimens are connected to Feldhofer and El Sidrón not only by mtDNA relationships but also their very low nuclear DNA diversification. If the Vindija specimens can be lumped together in mtDNA and nuclear DNA diversity with the remains from El Sidrón and Feldhofer, it seems possible that traditional morphological groupings will fail to capture real biological differences among Neandertal populations.

    Riparo Mezzena adds further to this pattern. I would note that this looks at the moment like the specimen most likely to give rise to an Italian Neandertal whole genome. As we begin to examine the data from the Denisova Neandertal specimen ("A new high-coverage Neandertal genome"), the population genetics of later Neandertals will come more and more into focus.

    Steven Churchill and Fred Smith wrote a review of the initial Upper Paleolithic skeletal record several years ago [5] that still remains the best single summary of the remains from this time period. What strikes you in this review is the overall fragmentary nature of the record. That review is already out of date in some respects, as a number of specimens have been moved into or out of this period by radiocarbon revisions, and the archaeological conception of "early Aurignacian" has substantially changed.

    There really ought to be an equivalent review for the latest Neandertals. I think that the sample has become more complex and confusing as we have developed a better idea of the genetics.


    References

    Synopsis: 
    Morphological comparisons of a late Neandertal reinforce the hypothesis of population mixture in Europe.
  • LRJ as a transitional industry

    Wed, 2012-07-04 09:52 -- John Hawks

    I was reading this morning an interesting paper from last year by Damien Flas [1], who considered the context of archaeological assemblages grouped as Lincombian-Ranisian-Jerzmanowician industry in northern Europe. This awkwardly-named archaeological grouping is one of the "transitional" initial Upper Paleolithic industries of Europe, plausibly made by Neandertals but involving artifacts built on a blade-based reduction strategy.

    Flas tentatively concludes that LRJ was produced by Neandertals, mainly because of its early date, the late appearance of Aurignacian in northwestern Europe, and the lack of technical connections to traditions that were plausibly made by modern humans. I will share the portion of the text where he discusses the lack of such links:

    Recently, maybe because an acculturation process related to the Aurignacian complex has been challenged on the basis of chronological and stratigraphic data (e.g. Bordes 2003; d'Errico et al. 1998; Zilhão 2006a), other industries have been proposed as proxies for the spread of AMH and as acculturators driving the last Neanderthals to develop the ‘transitional industries’ (Bar-Yosef 2007; Hoffecker 2009; Mellars 2005). In Central Europe, the Bohunician has been seen as a complex related to the spread of AMH from the Near East (Bar-Yosef and Svoboda 2003; Kozłowski 2004). Indeed, it shows similarities with the assemblages in layers 1–2 of Boker-Tachtit (Skrdla 2003; Tostevin 2003), and Tostevin (2007) has set out in a detailed way how the Szeletian assemblage from Vedrovice V may be seen as the result of acculturation of the local Middle Paleolithic (Keilmessergruppe from Kulna Cave) by the Bohunician complex.

    However, the extension of this model to include a scenario whereby LRJ Neanderthals are acculturated by Bohunician AMH finds little support in the evidence, and is thus a weak hypothesis. There are no human remains, either in the Near East or in Central Europe, showing that this ‘Emireo-Bohunician’ complex is made by AMH, and it could alternatively correspond to the diffusion of technical ideas rather than to a population dispersal (Tostevin 2003). Moreover, the relationship between Boker Tachtit (in the Negev) and the Bohunician (in Moravia) is based on technological similarities, but intermediary assemblages between these two distant regions are rare (Bar-Yosef and Svoboda 2003; Kozłowski 2004) and sometimes show variability (as at Temnata and Bacho Kiro: Teyssandier 2008; Tsanova 2008). It would be also necessary to assess other European late Middle Paleolithic industries that could potentially play a role in the emergence of the Bohunician (Kozłowski 2001), such as the Polish sites of Piekary IIa and Ksiecia Jozefa (Sitlivy et al. 2007a, 2007b; Zilhão 2006a), as well as Korolevo I/IIb (Ukrainia: Monigal et al. 2006) and the Bulgarian Moustero-Levalloisian with leaf-points of Samuilitsa and Muselievo (Tsanova 2008). Even if the hypothesis that the Bohunician corresponds to an AMH dispersal from the Near East is accepted, the LRJ shows different objectives and reduction strategies from the Bohunician. More generally, it is difficult to see any lithic innovations in Bachokirian or Bohunician industries that could provide the stimulus for long-distance acculturation.

    He posits a transformation from some Mousterian variant, based on the specialization toward "laminar blanks" (that is, cores suitable for striking blades). I find very interesting the implication of information exchange and possible dispersal among late Neandertals in the northern tier of Europe.

    Related: my post from last year on Kent's Cavern dating, "The radiocarbon dating paper without a radiocarbon date". The Kent's Cavern maxilla overlies some artifacts attributed to LRJ traditions.


    References

  • Human population history makes a difference

    Thu, 2012-05-10 16:18 -- John Hawks

    Alon Keinan and Andrew Clark have a short report in the current Science examining the effects of recent human population growth on the expected spectrum of human genetic variation [1]. Population growth skews the variation in a population so that there are many more rare alleles than would be expected in a constant-sized population.

    Why is this? In a constant-sized population, individuals have an average of two offspring who survive to have offspring of their own. Many people have no children at all, or only one, while only a small proportion of people have more than four children. In the constant-sized population, a person born with a new mutation would have a 50% chance of passing it on to each child. In such a population, more than a third (36%) of mutations aren't passed on even once. The same fraction are inherited by only one child, and these face the same odds of extinction in the next generation. This isn't natural selection, it is random genetic drift -- and its net result is that most new mutations are lost.

    In a growing population, individuals average more than two offspring. Every additional offspring increases the chance that a new mutation will be passed on to the next generation. In other words, more people means less genetic drift. As a population grows, new mutations begin to stack up at low frequencies in the population.

    This is a very basic point in population genetic theory, and it interacts in a troubling way with the current generation of sequencing technology. Short-read shotgun sequencing yields a high number of false positive mutations, which must be aggressively filtered out of whole genome data. If we don't filter these out, we will arrive at incorrect conclusions about many aspects of human biology. The simplest means of filtering require some understanding of how many rare mutations you expect to find, in particular how many should be found in only one person in a sample of people. That expectation is different in a growing population, resulting in a potentially large bias.

    Despite an improvement in the accuracy of sequencing technologies, some errors remain unavoidable. For example, with a sequencing error rate of 1 in 10,000 bases, in a sample of 10,000 individuals, each base pair will exhibit two errors on average across the sample and the majority of monomorphic sites will appear polymorphic (most often as a singleton or a doubleton; i.e., with the rare allele present in one or two copies in the sample). On the other hand, strict filtering of the data will lead to missing many rare variants because they are not observed as reliably. Hence, any analysis of large sample sizes must account for the uncertainty inherent in sequencing by considering the variant calls probabilistically, and secondary validation of rare variants by an alternate sequencing procedure is essential.

    Keinan and Clark present some models that show how much it matters to consider a growing population compared to the usual null model of constant population size.

    It's so interesting to me to see human geneticists catching up to where anthropologists have been for a long time. Of course, we wrote about the effects of recent population expansions in 2007, noting the apparent acceleration of positive selection in post-agricultural populations ("Why human evolution accelerated") [2].

    Large-scale sequencing projects have moved beyond simply categorizing common genetic variation. They are now at a stage where thousands of individuals need to be examined, to find increasingly rare genetic variations and determine their collective effects on phenotypes. That means that the next version of the 1000 Genomes Project really needs to be involve many of us who are directly concerned with human population history. The growth and dynamics of actual historic human populations are going to matter to how we understand their genetic variation and its effects on phenotypes. Fortunately, archaeology and written history can help -- if anthropologists are involved in this work from the start!


    References

    1. Keinan A, Clark AG. Recent Explosive Human Population Growth Has Resulted in an Excess of Rare Genetic Variants. Science. 2012;336(6082):740 - 743.
    2. Hawks J, Wang ET, Cochran G, Harpending HC, Moyzis RK. Recent acceleration of human adaptive evolution. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, U. S. A. [Internet]. 2007;104:20753–20758. Available from: http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.0707650104
    Synopsis: 
    Human genetics has reached the point where population history is essential to further progress
  • Polytypism and complexity

    Sun, 2012-05-06 12:36 -- John Hawks

    Adam Van Arsdale considers whether a "bushy", speciose phylogeny is actually evidence of evolutionary "complexity": "Linearity and simplicity in the fossil record". As he points out, there's nothing especially "complex" about looking at two fossils and calling them different names. More complex are evolutionary scenarios that involve reticulate genealogies that cross population or subspecies boundaries.

    One thing that is certain is that the fossils generally categorized within [early Homo] encompass a broad range of variation, perhaps providing support for greater taxonomic diversity. But I would suggest that the variation we see in the fossils is more parsimoniously assigned to greater evolutionary complexity – complexity that may come from the rapid development of differentiated niche structures and reproductive barriers in early Homo, but that also might come from the development of a highly structured, geographically dispersed, behaviorally flexible, polytypic lineage. Indeed, most of the changes we observe in early Homo can be interpreted as changes towards a broader, more generalized and flexible ecology.

    The null model for early Homo should be the kind of evolutionary pattern that we now know to be true for Late Pleistocene humans. Multiple populations, much more highly differentiated than today's human populations, existed during the Late Pleistocene and exhibited nonuniform patterns of expansion and mixture. The expansions of some groups within and outside Africa were likely driven by gene-culture coevolution, as both technological changes and physiological changes affected population growth. We are beginning to appreciate that similar episodes of expansions and mixture happened throughout the Pleistocene. The origin of our genus, initiating the first expansions of hominins into Eurasia, was surely driven by a similar process.

  • Taking the mtDNA pulse of Neandertal populations

    Tue, 2012-02-28 11:01 -- John Hawks

    Neandertals have strikingly limited genetic variation. They once lived across a range from Spain to Siberia. Yet when we compare sequences across their whole genomes, we find them to be much less different across this geographic range than people living in the same regions today.

    I think this is one of the most fascinating findings of ancient genomics. It may tell us something about Neandertal populations that we did not begin to suspect without their DNA.

    But there is one explanation for this fact that I and others pointed out long before DNA evidence: The Neandertal population was surely much, much smaller than Holocene population of Europe. Small population size over a long time can restrict genetic diversity. So maybe the Neandertals preserved little genetic variation simply because there were so few of them.

    Neandertal mtDNA dynamism

    Love Dalén and colleagues [1] add some perspective to this question. The paper adds one novel mtDNA sequence, of the Neandertal from Valdegoba, Spain, to the record of Neandertals. This builds on earlier work by Ludovic Orlando and colleagues, who performed some analysis of Neandertal variation over time when they reported the sequence of the 100,000-year-old Scladina mtDNA sequence [2]. The main contribution of the current paper is its separation of Neandertals into earlier and later subsamples, showing that the Neandertals after 48,000 years ago in Western Europe have greatly restricted mtDNA diversity compared to the earlier sample of Neandertals.

    That's a tricky comparison. The paper illustrates it with this figure:

    Neandertal mtDNA phylogeny from Dalen et al. 2012

    Figure 1 from Dalén et al. 2012. Original caption: "Figure 1. Phylogenetic relationships and geographic distribution of Neandertals. Recent (<48 kyr) western Neandertals are placed within a well defined monophyletic group (blue box), whereas specimens older than 48 kyr constitute a paraphyletic group together with eastern Neandertals (red box). The sampling locations for the specimens are shown with corresponding colour coding."

    The blue clade includes all Neandertals after 48,000 years ago from Western Europe; the red clade includes earlier Neandertals from the west as well as both earlier and later Neandertals from the east.

    The meat in this phylogram is not only that the later western Neandertals are close relatives, but that they share an ancestor only around 60,000 years ago. That's a mere 20,000 to 25,000 years before the later western Neandertals lived. The variation within these Neandertals is roughly the same as that within a single mtDNA clade within Europe today, such as clade H1.

    Comparing the later Neandertal diversity to the variation of present-day Europeans helps to clarify the meaning of low diversity. Low mtDNA diversity doesn't necessarily imply that the later Neandertals in western Europe were few in number. Certainly there are millions of Europeans today who carry clade H1, for example. Low mtDNA diversity tells us something more limited about the ancestors of these Neandertals. Sometime after 60,000 years ago, a pulse of mitochondria came from the east and were remarkably successful in the west.

    Looking at the red clade in the figure is also illustrative. Eastern Neandertals and earlier western Neandertals had a lot more diversity than the later western Neandertals. We have to remember that the Scladina individual lived 40,000 years before the common ancestor of the blue clade, so that the greater ages of these specimens matters. Still, when we look at the diversity in that red clade, it is greater than the mtDNA diversity today in the most widespread basal clade outside Africa, the M clade. Taking the mtDNA phylogeny alone, we would say that the 13 Neandertals had a greater sequence difference than all the people who with ancestry outside Africa today. Only when we look at the predominantly African clades today (the L clades) do we start to see sequence differences as great as among these Neandertals.

    I began the post by pointing out that small population size alone might explain the low mtDNA diversity of Neandertals. Dalén and colleagues provide a key comparison that helps to reject that hypothesis. Small population size alone cannot explain the discrepancy of mtDNA diversity of these Neandertals across space and time.

    The whole-genome perspective

    Now, the question is whether this pattern holds true only for mtDNA, or whether the rest of the genome also shows some dynamic within Neandertal populations.

    We have quite a lot of information on this point, because the initial sequencing of the Vindija Neandertals was accompanied by a smattering of sequencing of the nuclear genomes of one individual from El Sidrón, the original Feldhofer specimen and the Mezmaiskaya Neandertal specimen. The inclusion of Mezmaiskaya is important, because it alone is not included in the "low mtDNA diversity" red clade pictured above. If the pattern observed for mtDNA is reflected by the rest of the genome, the comparison between Mezmaiskaya and western Neandertal genomes should show substantially more diversity.

    When they published the draft Denisova genome, Reich and colleagues [3] used it as an outgroup to investigate variation among the Neandertals, and they focused initially on Mezmaiskaya:

    Using the 56 Mb of autosomal DNA sequences determined from [the Mezmaiskaya specimen], we estimate that the DNA sequence divergence between the Vindija and Mezmaiskaya Neanderthals corresponds to a date of 140,000 +/- 33,000 years ago (Supplementary Information section 6) (Fig. 1). This remarkably low divergence—which is about one-third of the closest pair of present-day humans that we analysed—is in agreement with the observation that diversity among Neanderthal mtDNAs is low relative to present-day humans and indicates that the Vindija and Mezmaiskaya Neanderthals descend from a common ancestral population that experienced a drastic bottleneck since separating from the ancestors of the Denisova individual.

    That adds substantially to the mtDNA picture. The mtDNA variation of western Neandertals may reflect population turnover after 50,000 years ago. But the nuclear genome comparison cannot be explained by this single event. The variation of nuclear genomes between Mezmaiskaya and El Sidrón spans across more than half the Neandertal geographic range and requires mechanisms that restricted genetic variation across at least the period after 140,000 years ago.

    I think we can do quite a bit better using the nuclear genetic information already available, keeping an explicit phylogeographic model in mind. My view is that Neandertal populations were dynamic throughout their existence, with repeated waves of population turnover across broad geographic scales. The mtDNA of later western Neandertals may reflect a large, recent event. But there must also have been earlier ones to limit variation of the nuclear genome. The implication is that early Neandertals like Krapina may have had relatively little genetic connection to later Neandertals in the same region, like Vindija.

    That picture matches what we are beginning to understand about the population history of Europe during the last 30,000 years. I think that's how human populations have always behaved.

    Revisiting Neandertal races

    I wrote extensively about Neandertal mtDNA in 2009, noting the work of Virginie Fabre and colleagues [4], which showed the geographic structure of Neandertal mtDNA variation ("Neandertal races?"). Fabre and colleagues showed that Neandertal mtDNA variation is apportioned unequally across space, and made sense of the variation using a phylogeographic model with three broad geographic groups. I pointed out then that an alternative explanation might be that the specimens represent different times:

    Many have pointed out, going back to McCown and Keith (1939), that time is another possible cause of morphological differentiation of Neandertals. The mtDNA sequences cover a wide range of times -- the Scladina sequence comes from roughly 100,000 years ago, the others cover the span from 50,000 down to 29,000 years ago. Why not test temporal groups instead of geographic groups? Temporal clusters might reflect interglacial colonizations, differential gene flow, or natural selection. There is a good precedent -- last year a report of complete mtDNA sequences from woolly mammoths found evidence for geographic structure among mtDNA lineages, one of which apparently replaced the other (Gilbert et al. 2008).

    Time is just one example of an alternative model for variation. But I think it helps to clarify the basic problem of the a priori models -- you have to draw boundaries between the specimens somewhere.

    The problem still remains even in the current paper. Why should we divide time arbitrarily at 48,000 years ago? Why divide time in western Europe but not across the eastern part of the Neandertals' range?

    Combining space and time into a single phylogeographic picture is complicated. We end up using a null model to generate millions of pseudosamples to represent the exact time and place we found specimens, hoping to show the null model wrong. Refuting a null model doesn't necessarily tell us much about the behavior of ancient populations that flowed across space and interacted at different times. I think that life was more complicated rather than less, and look to models from more recent populations to understand it.

    How not to publicize your work

    The paper by Dalén and colleagues is such a neat piece of work, I think it's a shame that Uppsala University had to go and spoil it with this silly press release: "European Neanderthals Were On the Verge of Extinction Even Before the Arrival of Modern Humans".

    The paper pointedly does not show that Neandertals were on the "verge of extinction". Neandertals in the eastern part of their range show no sign of any demographic collapse, and the western part of the range arguably only shows signs of recovery and expansion.

    What the paper actually tells us is about the dynamism of Neandertal populations, which is very comparable to that of the Europeans of the last 10,000 years. Keeping this comparison in mind helps remind us that very large groups of people may still have low mtDNA diversity, reflecting the history of population movements and interactions in the past. Comparing the mtDNA with nuclear genetic evidence is also essential to this picture. Neither of these tell us that Neandertals were near extinction.

    Please, if you're putting together a press package about Neandertals, stop framing it around the concept of Neandertal extinction. You aren't going to say anything novel about this, and it just encourages lazy science writing. And it's a false concept. The Neandertals didn't become extinct.

    UPDATE (2012-03-06): A reader points out that several of the dates for specimens in the paper are different than reported in the literature. I noticed that too, and don't know quite what to make of it. I don't think that the differences in dates affect the general result, that later specimens in Western and Central Europe are relatively invariant compared to the Eastern European and Asian sample. But it is a reminder that the results do depend on a certain ordering and geographic sampling of specimens and may change if we fill in the gaps.


    References

    Synopsis: 
    Neandertals in western Europe have a recent mtDNA ancestor, pointing to the dynamics within their population.
  • Mailbag: Noah's Ark

    Tue, 2011-10-11 23:32 -- John Hawks

    From a reader:

    Hello Dr Hawks I am a reader of your blog and respect your expertese so I thought you would be the right person to ask this question to. I was debating a creationist about human genetic history the creationist is a literal believer in Noah's ark andi was saying to the creationst that one of the reasons we know the story of the global flood is nor true is because if it were all species including humans would have a bottleneck of two individuals dating to the exact same time. The creationist then cited this article as proof that humans could have been bottlnecked to 2 or six individuals

    "However, the global extent of ß[beta]-globin divergence has at first sight some startling demographic implications because the hunter-gatherers who migrated from Africa. Europe and Asia have rather similar haplotype frequencies. Hence, the emigrants must have undergone the major change in haplotype frequency in the interval between leaving Africa and dispersing throughout the rest of the world. Assuming--and this is little more than an informed guess--that this interval was 20,000 years, population-genetics theory tells us that the mean effective size of the ancestral population for all non-Africans throughout this period must have been 600 individuals; or alternatively ;that ;the bottleneck was 6 individuals for 200 years, or even a signle couple for 60 years. (The expected time for the loss of a neutral gene present in thepopulation at frequency p is E(T) = -4N plnp/1-p, where N is the population size. We assume a generation interval of 20 years and that the 4 common haplotypes were present at equal frequencies in the ancestral African population.) If this is the case, much of mankind was an endangered species during an imporant part of its evolution." ~ J.S. Jones and S. Rouhani, "How Small was the Bottleneck?" Nature, 319, Feb. 6, 1986, p. 450

    What is this article actually saying? Is it saying that it really is possible for every human alive today to have sprung from only 2 or 6 people? Because that contradicts everything Ive read that says genetics shows that our population could neevr have been bottlnecked below at least a few thousand individuals. Can you explain it to me. kind regards

    A single gene can never provide evidence showing such a bottleneck, it requires every gene in the genome to show a consistent pattern. In this case, the most obvious genes to examine are those with the *most* variation. For example, the human HLA genes have hundreds of allelic variants in human populations that have existed for thousands of years. Each of these genes (including HLA*A, HLA*B, HLA*C, DRB1, DRB2, DQB) has old variations, the oldest alleles have been retained from our common ancestors with chimpanzees and gorillas. These could never have been retained for so long if we had undergone a bottleneck to two or a few individuals.

    It is true that human genetic variation is low relative to some other mammals, but it is not indicative of a bottleneck to a handful of individuals. When geneticists today refer to bottlenecks, they are estimating many hundreds of individuals at the least, and 10,000 individuals as a more likely value.

  • Neolithic discontinuity in Hungary

    Thu, 2011-09-22 16:53 -- John Hawks

    Dienekes comments on a new paper finding another strange mixture of haplotypes in Neolithic-era sample of mtDNA from central Europe ("Unexpected ancient mtDNA from Neolithic Hungary").

    I don't think even a science fiction writer could have predicted the kinds of ancient DNA results we are getting from Europe. We have genetic discontinuity between Paleolithic and Neolithic, and between Neolithic and present, and, apparently, discontinuity between Neolithic cultures themselves, and wholly unexpected links to East Asia all the way to Central Europe.

    The paper is by Zsuzsanna Guba and colleagues [1]. The final phrase of the abstract:

    Our investigation is the first to study mutations form Neolithic of Hungary, resulting in an outcome of Far Eastern haplogroups in the Carpathian Basin. It is worth further investigation as a non-descendant theory, instead of a continuous population history, supporting genetic gaps between ancient and recent human populations.

    Past populations had incredible dynamism across Eurasia. Of course, as shown later, we need not maintain that the haplogroups presently common in East Asia have necessarily been there all that long.


    References

  • Orangutan dynamics of Borneo

    Wed, 2010-11-24 01:46 -- John Hawks

    Bornean and Sumatran orangutans are the most highly divergent subspecies within any of the living species of great apes. The two farther apart even than chimpanzees and bonobos, which are good biological species. The time of the Bornean-Sumatran orangutan divergence as estimated from mtDNA is around 3.5 million years ago.

    This is old enough that many primatologists consider the two populations as separate biological species. The species distinction is supported by some aspects of morphology, but as yet we have no good nuclear DNA information about the extent of divergence. In chimpanzees, nuclear genetic comparisons suggest a relatively recent founding of one subspecies and recurrent gene flow between the others, despite high mtDNA divergence between the subspecies. So information from across the genomes of Bornean and Sumatran orangutans may be necessary to substantiate the hypothesis of long isolation suggested by mtDNA.

    Within Borneo, different local populations of orangutans have strong genetic differentiation, with few shared mtDNA haplotypes among them. A new study by Natasha Arora and colleagues [1] has provided further detail about these relationships within Borneo. Based on earlier work, they expected to find high population differentiation within Borneo, and that is what they found:

    [O]ur analyses revealed high and significant mitochondrial differentiation, with populations within currently recognized subspecies generally displaying as much differentiation as those between subspecies. Of notable interest is the great extent of subdivision and lack of reciprocal monophyly for the morphologically recognized subspecies P. p. morio and P. p. wurmbii. MtDNA haplotype sharing is uncommon and for populations separated by rivers occurs only in two instances: (i) for SA and GP and (ii) for the northern and southern populations across the Kinabatangan river. In both cases, very recent common ancestry could explain the incomplete mtDNA lineage sorting. For North Kinabatangan (NK) and SK, Jalil et al. (27) proposed an expansion from a recent common refugium further west in Mount Kinabalu, as posited for other Bornean species (46, 47, 49). DV, with its low haplotype diversity, might also be the result of a recent range expansion. GP is located proximally to the Bangka–Belitung–Karimata–Schwaner divide, from where orangutans are presumed to have dispersed to the rest of Borneo (12) and where we might expect a rich haplotype diversity. However, the presence of only one mtDNA haplotype shared with populations further east suggests that the current population in GP is recent and/or underwent a severe recent bottleneck. This and other local bottlenecks make it impossible to reconstruct a colonization of Borneo through the southwestern “choke point” (52).

    They were able to confirm the relatively strong differentiation of Bornean populations by examining nuclear microsatellites. These do not give a great indication of the time period over which the populations may have developed their differentiation, but the microsatellites do document the relative lack of allele sharing between the populations, attesting a history of low gene flow in the recent past. The populations they identify as strongly differentiated do not correspond entirely with the subspecies recognized along morphological lines, but there are strongly differentiated populations here.

    The "news" aspect of the paper is the one unexpected observation: the mtDNA ancestor of Bornean orangutans lived relatively recently, only around 176,000 years ago (with a range of error stretching from 72,000 to 320,000 years ago. The data in the study do not allow us to distinguish whether this was a time when the Bornean population may have been founded, or whether instead the mtDNA lineage spread through pre-existing populations. The authors pursue the hypothesis that Bornean orangutans were limited to a refugium sometime during the early Late Pleistocene:

    Assuming that orangutans arrived in Borneo around the same time as gibbons and macaques, the recent coalescence of Bornean orangutans could be explained by a bottleneck through a severe rainforest contraction. Such a bottleneck would have had a more dramatic impact on the mtDNA structure of orangutans compared with other species as a result of their low densities and slow life histories (18) as well as habitat requirements.

    The comparison with gibbons and macaques is necessary because both have substantially deeper mtDNA coalescence times within their Bornean populations. If the forest had been substantially reduced to a small area where orangutans could survive, we might expect the other primates to reflect this event -- and they don't. Nevertheless, a grab-bag of climate change scenarios appear next:

    Geomorphological and palynological data indicate the presence of dryer, more open vegetation in southern and western Borneo during the last glaciation (2, 41), and by extrapolation also during other glaciations (but c.f. refs. 42, 43). Climate change was especially severe during an extended cold period within the penultimate glaciation between 130 and 190 ka (44, 45), which occurred approximately at the time of mean coalescence of Bornean mtDNA haplotypes. More recently, the last Toba eruption approximately 74 ka resulted in a short, albeit signi␣cant, decrease in regional temperatures, ensued by a 1,800-y cold stadial (9, 10). Our data do not provide clear signals to make conclusive statements about potential Toba effects. Nonetheless, the coldest period of the penultimate glaciation (44, 45) was more prolonged than the cold period following the last Toba eruption, suggesting more severe effects of the former on the extent of rainforest across Sundaland. In any event, suitable rainforest habitat for orangutans should have existed in certain regions in Borneo where a refugium population survived the dry glacial conditions.

    A coalescence time of 176,000 years ago does not point to a short-duration bottleneck that began 74,000 years ago. If orangutans in the Middle Pleistocene of Borneo had high genetic differentiation, a crash would have to have been very severe -- eliminating all but one small regional population -- to have effected the present distribution. Still, the great uncertainty in the actual coalescence time leaves open many possibilities, and the refugium hypothesis in the general case is worth testing, even if the Toba eruption in particular cannot explain the data.

    Given the uncertainty about the habitat structure of the now-submerged areas of Sunda, we may also want to consider the hypothesis that the present orangutans arrived recently on Borneo from mainland Southeast Asia. Even if orangutans had lived on Borneo during the Middle Pleistocene, they may not have been the current orangutans. Or even better, they may have been Neanderorangs -- an initial population that was genetically swamped by migrants arriving from elsewhere. The deep Sumatra-Borneo divergence means that the Bornean population was probably not recently derived from Sumatra, but that's a very restricted source compared to the Late Pleistocene distribution of orangutans across mainland and island East and Southeast Asia.

    Some other animals walked from Sumatra to Borneo repeatedly during the Pleistocene, including humans. In the human case, we know that a large fraction of the genetic ancestry of Bornean and Javan people was derived from Asia within the last 100,000 years -- in other words, Late Pleistocene gene flow. The movement of genes may have happened in the context of a dispersal of Asian (or ultimately, African-derived) populations into island Southeast Asia. The paper includes some discussion of other primate species:

    For instance, the south Bornean gibbon Hylobates albibarbis and the Sumatran–Malaysian gibbon Hylobates agilis have a TMRCA of 1.56 Ma (36), and Bornean and Sumatran pig-tailed macaques have one of 3 to 4 Ma (37). By contrast, the Bornean–Sumatran common ancestor of both the silvered langur(39) and clouded leopard (40) is much more recent than that of orangutans, gibbons, and pig-tailed macaques, probably because of a higher ␣exibility in habitat use.

    The pig-tailed macaque divergence time is more or less the same as the orangutan divergence; the others are more like the time range for human dispersals into island Southeast Asia. We can add to the primates a few other medium-sized mammals; for example, clouded leopards are highly differentiated between Sumatran and Bornean populations, and their mtDNA divergence occurred sometime after 3 million years ago.

    There may be no contradiction between the recent mtDNA common ancestor and the high degree of population structure in Bornean orangutans; the mtDNA could have been selected. We really would want resequencing of a lot more loci in these orangtuan populations, for which we may not have to wait too long. Mitochondrial DNA is convenient in many ways, including its greater sensitivity to restricted population size and higher mutation rate. But the intrinsic variance of a single gene system under genetic drift is so high that this disadvantage probably outweighs all advantages for reconstructing population sizes.

    At any rate, the orangutans now provide an additional case where the subspecies-level history of hominoids is more complex than depicted five or six years ago. Uncovering these kinds of dynamics highlights the need for better modeling of demography and dispersal within a geographically widespread species. Isolation-by-distance and long-lasting subspecies are well-defined models, but when they are refuted, we have a lack of well-defined alternatives.


    References

  • Migration thinking

    Fri, 2010-08-20 08:30 -- John Hawks

    Murray Cox and Michael Hammer have a short commentary piece in the current BMC Biology, titled, "A question of scale: Human migrations writ large and small" [1]. They review a few recent papers concerning human migration and intermixture -- including the Neandertal genome draft [2], the paper by Chuanxiang Li and colleagues showing Bronze Age admixture in the Tarim Basin [3], and their own work quantifying historical gene flow inside and outside Africa [4].

    It's a short review, but I thought their conclusion serves some thought -- they discuss some of the theoretical complexity of estimating ancient rates of gene flow. The simple model assumes constant rates, but human populations aren't simple.

    We expand on just one of these points for illustration (Figure 3). Even when gene flow is inferred explicitly, existing methods invariably assume that it has remained constant through time. However, it seems more reasonable that two diverging populations might share more migrants initially (due to shared geography or existing social relationships), with gene flow subsequently decreasing exponentially as the two populations move apart (Figure 3a). Or gene flow might increase exponentially as two geographically separated populations begin to move closer together (Figure 3b). Alternatively, gene flow might suddenly resume between two long separated populations; for instance, where geographically disconnected populations came back into contact, either as hunter-gatherer groups during the late Pleistocene (Figure 3d), or as human mobility increased following the development of farming in the Holocene (Figure 3c). The important point is this: two populations can look very similar (FST = 0) or very different (FST = 0.3) even when they have exchanged the same number of migrants (that is, graph lines with the same color in figure 3). It is therefore insufficient to consider only how many migrants have moved between populations; we also need to know when these movements occurred.

    I don't reproduce the figure, because it's complicated and I think the text is sufficient to establish the point. Averages aren't very meaningful. I'll point out that there is some hope of testing these hypotheses, if we consider selected genes -- which have a time that they originated.


    References

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