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paleoanthropology, genetics and evolution

psychology

  • Magical psychology

    Sat, 2011-10-15 01:24 -- John Hawks

    I enjoyed this article by Mo Costandi: "Sleights of hand, sleights of mind".

    "In principle, neuroscience and magic have little in common," says Susana Martinez-Conde, director of the Visual Neuroscience Laboratory at the Barrow Neurological Institute in Phoenix, Arizona. "In fact, they are hugely complementary and magicians have a lot to offer us. They can manipulate the attention and consciousness of spectators so much better than we do in the lab." A few years ago, Martinez-Conde and her husband Stephen Macknik decided to investigate exactly how magicians fool the brain so adeptly. In doing so, they founded the exciting new discipline they refer to as 'neuromagic,' which aims to "pop the hood on your brain as you are suckered in by sleights of hand."

  • No echoing the echo chamber here

    Sun, 2011-05-29 17:20 -- John Hawks

    Seems to be a theme going in the press today: The Internet is making us stupid by connecting us with the things we like.

    Yes, when I write it that way, it sounds kind of silly, doesn't it?

    But that's the thesis of an essay by Natasha Singer in the NY Times: "The Trouble With the Echo Chamber Online", and a separate essay by Jonah Lehrer in the Wall Street Journal: "When We're Cowed by the Crowd".

    Singer posits that the problem is Google giving us search results that we want, not irrelevant ones.

    If you type “bank” into Google, the search engine recognizes your general location, sending results like “Bank of America” to users in the United States or “Bank of Canada” to those north of the border. If you choose to share more data, by logging into Gmail and enabling a function called Web history, Google records the sites you visit and the links you click. Now if you search for “apple,” it learns and remembers whether you are looking for an iPad or a Cox’s Orange Pippin.

    OK, seems like a pretty awesome thing to me. I'm here in Rome, and when I search for a location on my phone, it gives me the location in Rome! Not only does that give me the information faster, it saves me (expensive) bandwidth. Win!

    But Singer worries that this will harm our democracy. No, stop laughing. Really.

    But, in a effort to single out users for tailored recommendations or advertisements, personalization tends to sort people into categories that may limit their options. It is a system that cocoons users, diminishing the kind of exposure to opposing viewpoints necessary for a healthy democracy, says Jaron Lanier, a computer scientist and the author of “You Are Not a Gadget.”

    This argument is bunk. At no time in history have people been exposed to a wider range of opposing viewpoints. And you know what? Most of them are bunk.

    We have always had algorithms to select content. In the past, those algorithms were inside the heads of a small number of newspaper editors and media programming executives. Most of these people knew each other socially, and all of them were locked in competition for eyeballs with the same small group of people, thinking in minor variations on the same theme. That's why you see things like different newspapers, owned by different companies, publishing opinion pieces on the same out-of-the-blue internet theme on the same day! It's like a throwback to the past.

    I like Google better. Who is more likely to get the truth about bunk theories -- somebody who Googles, or somebody who flips his television to the History Channel?

    Lehrer picks up a related theme: the "wisdom of the crowd". The idea is like the "ask the audience" lifeline on Who Wants to Be a Millionaire? Ask enough people who don't know the answer, and the result of the poll is more likely to be correct than if you asked any one of them. Lehrer notes a recent study that showed that a crowd where people can exchange guesses with each other is actually worse at this kind of thing than if they all remain mutually mute.

    So if you find yourself in Slumdog Millionaire, you'd better gag the audience.

    We can all see that this "wisdom of the crowd" thing has pretty limited utility. Guessing number of ping pong balls in wading pool, yes. Unified field theory, no. That's why we don't make decisions by polling random ignorant people.

    Oh, I know, you're going to say that's exactly what we do in a democracy! But really it isn't at all. Shaping the information environment before an election is a multibillion dollar effort by political parties, candidates, independent organizations, and the media. The public in modern democracy is highly informed. It's just that each person is highly informed about a small window of things. The internet helps us to connect with other people who know about the same things, allowing coordination of action among dispersed people on a scale rarely seen before.

    Lehrer thinks all this communication is making us stupid. No, stop laughing. Really!

    And yet, while the Web has enabled new forms of collective action, it has also enabled new kinds of collective stupidity. Groupthink is now more widespread, as we cope with the excess of available information by outsourcing our beliefs to celebrities, pundits and Facebook friends. Instead of thinking for ourselves, we simply cite what's already been cited.

    Yep, it's that groupthink thing. The echo chamber.

    Someone who uses the word, groupthink, invariably means, "I can't stand that everyone doesn't think like me!" Oh, if you weren't deluded by your cult of celebrity, surely you would listen to reason!

    Bunk. If you have an argument that can't make traction against somebody's Facebook friends, it's not a very good argument. If you don't like it, make it better.

    Yes there is a social influence effect on decision-making. That's the way humans think. We're social creatures, and our friends and relatives are important. It's important that we get to choose our friends. It's important that we get to choose what we want to know. A society where we can't choose those things would be a tyranny.

    So if you want to influence people's ideas in our social world, you need to engage with their social networks. Seems like the sort of think that could use a better algorithm.

    Synopsis: 
    Some say the internet is an echo chamber. I say there's an echo chamber of elite coastal internet critics.
  • Monkey numerical distractions

    Fri, 2011-04-15 08:20 -- John Hawks

    This study has been out for a few weeks, and I've been meaning to put up a short comment about it: "Representational format determines numerical competence in monkeys", by Vanessa Schmitt and Julia Fischer [1]. The abstract:

    A range of animal species possess an evolutionarily ancient system for representing number, which provides the foundation for simple arithmetical operations such as addition and numerical comparisons. Surprisingly, non-human primates tested in ecologically, highly valid quantity discrimination tasks using edible items often show a relatively low performance, suggesting that stimulus salience interferes with rational decision making. Here we show that quantity discrimination was indeed significantly enhanced when monkeys were tested with inedible items compared with food items (84 versus 69% correct). More importantly, when monkeys were tested with food, but rewarded with other food items, the accuracy was equally high (86%). The results indicate that the internal representation of the stimuli, not their physical quality, determined performance. Reward replacement apparently facilitated representation of the food items as signifiers for other foods, which in turn supported a higher acuity in decision making.

    This seems so obvious in retrospect. An experimenter has to provide some kind of motivation or there will be no experiment. Providing food rewards in psychology tests on animals will conflate numerical cognition with food, rewards, and motivation. I'm surprised that a simple substitution of inedible items turned out to be so successful in relaxing this cognitive bias.

    As I'm thinking about the "numbers as technology" theme, I keep returning to the idea that most interesting technologies are cobbled together from heterogeneous parts. Cognitive technology is no exception. In this experiment, we see the interference between the food/reward aspects of cognition and the representation of number. To have an effective practice of number as applied to food items, an individual would have to overcome this interference.

    We might tinker with the system in different ways -- for example, we could set up a new system of behavioral rewards or we could change neurotransmitter regulation to decrease food salience. What is the dividing line between technical and natural solutions? Imagine a pill that improves monkey math by inhibiting dopamine receptors. The same inhibition might emerge by mutations to dopamine receptors -- a natural tweak that alters the threshold of technical interventions. A new reward system might seem purely technical -- in the experiment, it worked to substitute different kinds of food treats in different contexts. But then, "different" is itself a function of perception, which can be changed by changing visual and olfactory receptors. "Technical" is a matter of arranging heterogeneous things in such a way that their natural course of action achieves a desired end.


    References

  • The eyes have it

    Mon, 2010-12-13 07:30 -- John Hawks

    Mark Brown in Wired describes some psychology research showing that people change their behavior in response to posters that bear images of staring eyes:

    Psychology researchers at Newcastle University hung two different posters at a restaurant, to see how customers would react. They both featured text asking patrons to bin their rubbish, but one had a picture of flowers on it and the other had a pair of staring eyes.

    The number of people who paid attention to the sign, and cleaned up after their meal, doubled when confronted with a pair of gazing peepers. The research team, lead by Dr. Melissa Bateson and Dr. Daniel Nettle of the Centre for Behaviour and Evolution found that twice as many customers followed the orders when met with eyes, compared to figures for the flower poster from the day before.

    That's not surprising in the context of earlier research. There have been many studies showing a priming effect from posters and images ostensibly unrelated to the instructions of a research exercise. Put somebody in a room, tell them to do some task, and the outcome may be different depending on whether the wall bears a landscape picture or a picture of a "watching" person or even animal.

    The reason I thought it was interesting -- I wonder how long it would take for this effect to wear off if people knew widely that it existed. The article suggests that people who advertise or design signs might want to take advantage of the effect by designing eyes into their signage. I can see the rationale for that -- hey, think how much money the average fast food restaurant could save on cleanup! But the size of the effect now depends on the relative rarity of signs that have eyes on them. The priming should be weaker if these signs become ubiquitous -- or annoying.

    But in order to benefit from a first mover advantage, I think I'll put small pictures of staring eyes on each page of my final exam...

    Tags: 
  • Nowhere the rational man

    Mon, 2010-08-23 08:30 -- John Hawks

    David Sloan Wilson has been posting a series on behavioral economics ("Economics and evolution as different paradigms"). This, broadly speaking, is based on the idea that humans are not rational actors, and the ways that we act irrationally actually matter to the subjects of traditional economics, like markets and

    In Wilson's description, focusing on some recent books, it's a field that badly needs an infusion of evolution:

    As a symptom of the problem, consider the number of times that the word "evolution" is used in the three aforementioned books. It's easy for me to check because I have them on my Kindle. The answer is zero, zero, and two respectively, with the two uses in Animal Spirits tangential. Somehow, these authors think they can identify the real Homo sapiens without consulting the genetic evolution of our species or cultural evolution as an ongoing process. With a handful of exceptions, this is representative of the field as a whole.

    How is this possible? The subtitle of Animal Spirits provides the answer: Behavioral economists consult psychology, not evolution, in their quest to find the real Homo sapiens, and their psychological inquiry does not lead them to consult evolution in any meaningful sense. This is because most psychologists don't consult evolution in any meaningful sense.

    I have seen a number of preprints from people trying to integrate evolutionary perspectives into behavioral economics. A problem is that they are very simplistic on the evolutionary side, in some of the same ways that evolutionary psychology can be. Humans are not rational actors, but neither are they identical to each other. If the model does not entail explanations for variability, then it's not going to explain many interesting phenomena.

  • Hauser update

    Thu, 2010-08-19 10:17 -- John Hawks

    The Chronicle of Higher Education reports on an "internal document" from the Marc Hauser investigation: "Document Sheds Light on Investigation at Harvard". The Chronicle story begins by detailing how discrepancies in coding monkey behavioral responses first came to light, but stops short of giving fuller insight into the investigation. This extract conveys some of the breadth of what was uncovered:

    They then reviewed Mr. Hauser's coding and, according to the research assistant's statement, discovered that what he had written down bore little relation to what they had actually observed on the videotapes. He would, for instance, mark that a monkey had turned its head when the monkey didn't so much as flinch. It wasn't simply a case of differing interpretations, they believed: His data were just completely wrong.

    As word of the problem with the experiment spread, several other lab members revealed they had had similar run-ins with Mr. Hauser, the former research assistant says. This wasn't the first time something like this had happened. There was, several researchers in the lab believed, a pattern in which Mr. Hauser reported false data and then insisted that it be used.

    The article also extracts an e-mail from Hauser to his graduate students at the time of the incident. It's not shocking in its tone -- certainly no more than many of those leaked climate e-mails -- but it does show the kind of pressure he was imposing upon the graduate students working on his experiments.

    (via Greg Laden)

  • Clearing the stack

    Mon, 2010-01-25 22:56 -- John Hawks

    Here are some links that have been piling up in my browser tabs this week:

    NY Times: "Scientists Find a Shared Gene in Dogs With Compulsive Behavior"

    Afarensis links the Google Books archive of Darwinism Illustrated by George Romanes (1892).

    Julien Riel-Salvatore links a new paper on projectile point dynamics by the Mythbusters.

    In the arXiv: "To Understand Congress, Just Watch the Sandpile"

    It turns out that the way a particular resolution gains support can be accurately simulated by the avalanches that occur when grains of sand are dropped onto each other to form a pile.

    Gene Expression: "Rice, alcohol and genes" reviews evidence for the origin of an adaptive ADH1B variant in China.

    The Scholarly Kitchen: "Why Hasn’t Scientific Publishing Been Disrupted Already?"

    The Dynamist links to a a 1927 film review of Metropolis by author H. G. Wells. He didn't like the movie:

    Torches are Christian, we are asked to suppose; torches are human. Torches have hearts. But electric hand-lamps are wicked, mechanical, heartless things. The bad, bad inventor uses quite a big one.

    The Wall Street Journal says that fashion trends are out. Unless you count steampunk. Maybe it's all microtrends now.

  • "Accept failure": A New Year's resolution?

    Thu, 2009-12-31 07:30 -- John Hawks

    Jonah Lehrer reports on what happens when scientists see the unexpected:

    According to Dunbar, even after scientists had generated their “error” multiple times — it was a consistent inconsistency — they might fail to follow it up. “Given the amount of unexpected data in science, it’s just not feasible to pursue everything,” Dunbar says. “People have to pick and choose what’s interesting and what’s not, but they often choose badly.” And so the result was tossed aside, filed in a quickly forgotten notebook. The scientists had discovered a new fact, but they called it a failure.

    The description of Kevin Dunbar's work is interesting -- he's a "cognitive scientist" but the work is almost anthropology in the context of scientific labs.

    When Dunbar reviewed the transcripts of the meeting, he found that the intellectual mix generated a distinct type of interaction in which the scientists were forced to rely on metaphors and analogies to express themselves. (That’s because, unlike the E. coli group, the second lab lacked a specialized language that everyone could understand.) These abstractions proved essential for problem-solving, as they encouraged the scientists to reconsider their assumptions. Having to explain the problem to someone else forced them to think, if only for a moment, like an intellectual on the margins, filled with self-skepticism.

    As described in the story, the process of science is like a big noise filter, where theoretically unexpected results are systematically eliminated. I will note the positive aspect: when we find an unexpected result repeatedly, our confidence that it is signal and not noise is vastly higher. So all these attempts to squelch the unexpected create a mental environment in which we can sometimes recognize it.

    Sometimes. But as Lehrer describes, humans are good at conforming their mental world to the expected. Strangest line: "the Aristotelian video with the aberrant balls."

  • Anonymous research subjects

    Sun, 2009-10-18 08:30 -- John Hawks

    New frontiers in human research subjects: PARC researcher Markus Jacobsson describes how to find anonymous research subjects via Amazon's "Mechanical Turk" service.

    Mechanical Turk is a virtual marketplace that pays people to perform tasks that software can't easily automate. People earn a few pennies for each minute of tasks like "Summarize a website in one sentence" or "Find a travel-related online video" (two examples that happen to be available as I'm writing). You can see how paying a dime for anonymous users to find travel videos would be cheaper than tasking a full-time employee to catalog YouTube entries, and might discover many sources that an in-house employee would miss.

    Some psychologists have found an unexpected source of research subjects in the Mechanical Turk. It's a whole lot cheaper to pay anonymous users for small online tasks than to find subjects and pay them to come into a lab for an afternoon. Of course, psychologists face the IRB barrier:

    Many Institutional Review Boards (IRBs) treat MTurk studies as exempt from review since prospective subjects have accepted its terms of use and anonymity. However, you can't be certain that subjects are not from particularly "vulnerable" groups (e.g., minors) as defined by the Belmont Report. This is a common problem with network-based human subjects research, of course, and not specific to MTurk.

    The article goes on to describe some fascinating experimental tricks psychologists use to get (relatively) honest answers out of paid research subjects. One target of research is vulnerability to pfishing attacks:

    You can also perform much more invasive studies where you actually attempt to defraud them, only to see what portion of users fall for it. But this has to be done with extreme care — or you'll become a criminal! Your IRB will offer you plenty of advice if you decide to try an experiment of this type – be sure to read up on some ways in which it has been successfully done before submitting your application.

    I'm glad I'm not in that line of work. Still, I found it hard to look away, and it seems like a "new frontier" in terms of rapidly profiling and developing experiments. Genetics isn't the only field with ethics being changed by technology and online networks.

    (via Slashdot)

  • Whorfed

    Wed, 2009-06-17 18:30 -- John Hawks

    I found an interesting essay by Lera Boroditsky on Edge, titled, "How does our language shape the way we think?" She describes cross-cultural psychology experiments that test the ways that perception is affected by language differences.

    Even basic aspects of time perception can be affected by language. For example, English speakers prefer to talk about duration in terms of length (e.g., "That was a short talk," "The meeting didn't take long"), while Spanish and Greek speakers prefer to talk about time in terms of amount, relying more on words like "much" "big", and "little" rather than "short" and "long" Our research into such basic cognitive abilities as estimating duration shows that speakers of different languages differ in ways predicted by the patterns of metaphors in their language. (For example, when asked to estimate duration, English speakers are more likely to be confused by distance information, estimating that a line of greater length remains on the test screen for a longer period of time, whereas Greek speakers are more likely to be confused by amount, estimating that a container that is fuller remains longer on the screen.)

    I'd like to have seen more historical background -- the name Benjamin Lee Whorf isn't mentioned, for example -- and some more critical commentary on the negative evidence. But the positive examples are each interesting and help to show the subtle quality of the effects that today's psychologists mean when they talk about language influencing perception.

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Neandertals

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Denisova

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Acceleration

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Malapa

Just outside Johannesburg, the Malapa site is producing some of the most exciting finds in human evolution. This site is the headquarters of the Malapa Soft Tissue Project.