john hawks weblog

paleoanthropology, genetics and evolution

symbolic behavior

  • Neandertals and eagle talons

    Mon, 2012-03-12 00:31 -- John Hawks

    Eugène Morin and Véronique Laroulandie have published a new paper in PLoS ONE demonstrating evidence that some Neandertals had a fetish for eagle talons [1]. From the conclusion of the (open access) paper:

    Because claws are inedible, the specimens presented here are not compatible with human consumption. This means that the tool-marked terminal phalanges found at Combe-Grenal, Les Fieux, Pech de l'Azé IV, and Grotta di Fumane were likely used as tools and/or as items of symbolic expression. Although the sample size is small, the fact that all the terminal phalanges that show cutmarks are from eagles argues against their utilization in strictly non-symbolic contexts. This last pattern is noteworthy because eagles are among the rarest birds in the environment, a pattern explained by their high trophic position in the food web [31]. This bias toward large and powerful diurnal raptors possibly indicates that the claws were used in symbolically-oriented contexts by Neanderthals, although the latter contexts remain to be more precisely defined. One possibility is that they were used as ornaments, as has been suggested for the Upper Paleolithic occupations (dated to ca. 20 ka) at Meged Rockshelter in Israel [32].

    This is reminiscent of last year's paper about intentional feather removal from raptor wings at Fumane Cave, Italy [2]. Morin and Laroulandie provide a table listing evidence of cut marked bird remains from Middle Paleolithic contexts across Europe. More and more, we are seeing these kinds of lists, as zooarchaeologists are synthesizing the behavior patterns evidenced by low frequency faunal remains from many sites.

    Raptor phalanges showing Neandertal cutmarks

    Figure 2 from Morin and Laroulandie, 2012. Original caption: "Stone tool incisions on terminal phalanges of diurnal raptors from Middle Paleolithic occupations in France. A) example of a fully fleshed golden eagle digit. B–G show cutmarked terminal phalanges from layer 52 at Combe-Grenal (B–C, golden eagle) and layers Jbase (D–E, white-tailed eagle) and I/J (F–G, white-tailed eagle) at Les Fieux. The black bars correspond to 1 cm. Philippe Jugie took the Combe-Grenal photographs, the others were taken by V.L."

    Unambiguous evidence for ornamentation by some Neandertals has long been known, but adding more clear evidence for the use of perishable materials helps to establish the pattern. More important, the present evidence from Combe Grenal puts the non dietary use of eagle talons back to 90,000 years ago, long before any Upper Paleolithic in the area. It's one thing when archaeologists document symbolic behavior in "transitional industries", because these arguably represent a more advanced conception of technology in some way. I am more interested in the recent expansion of our understanding Mousterian and similar industries in Europe.


    References

  • Neandertal metrosexuals

    Thu, 2010-01-14 07:30 -- John Hawks

    By popular request from scads of readers:

    Was Neanderthal man the original metrosexual? New study suggests he wore make-up

    That's in The Daily Mail. I actually like the window title even better, which I assume was an older draft of the story's headline:

    Neanderthal 'make-up' discovered: Proof the human subspecies were not the 'half-wits'?

    It's like something from the Onion. The story is more or less reasonable, and I love the quote at the end:

    Professor Chris Stringer, a palaeontologist from the Natural History Museum in London, supported the findings but added that the view of Neanderthals as 'dim-wits' would be hard to change.

    He said: 'I agree that these findings help to disprove the view that Neanderthals were dim-witted. It's very difficult to dislodge the brutish image from popular thinking.

    'When football fans behave badly, or politicians advocate reactionary views, they are invariably called "Neanderthal", and I can't see the tabloids changing their headlines any time soon.'

    Well, let's see how many of those football fans are wearing makeup!

  • Neanderart

    Fri, 2010-01-08 09:09 -- John Hawks

    Alan Boyle reports on two new papers in PNAS. The first concerns the dental development of the Lagar Velho skeleton. The second verges on Neandertal art:

    Some of the shells they found were perforated, as if they could be worn on a string. That in itself doesn't prove anything, because such perforations could occur naturally or as the result of harvesting the molluscs for consumption. But the scientists also saw signs of mineral-based pigments being applied to the shells, in some cases right over the jagged edge of a perforation.

    If the researchers' analysis is correct, the Neanderthals could have mixed up reddish goethite and hematite, yellow siderite and natrojarosite, black charcoal and sparkly pyrite to create a spectrum of paints. Some of the shells might have served as dishes holding the paint. The anthropologists even found a horse bone with flecks of orange pigment on the end.

    I'll have more on these. In the meantime, last year I posted on a similar topic ("Pigment use and symbolic behavior in Neandertals").

  • Protolanguage proceedings

    Mon, 2009-09-28 12:32 -- John Hawks

    Edmund Blair Bolles has posted some entries about the proceedings at a protolanguage conference. There's much of interest there, but I'll give a provocative quote from his summation:

    It seems to me that the work of the protolanguage concept may be done and it is time to put the term aside. It was useful for hammering the big-bang theory of language leaping full-blown from the head of some recent Homo sapiens, but now protolanguage is beginning to look a bit anti-evolutionary itself. Prototypes are early versions that set the standards for later ones, but the concept of a type is Platonic rather than Darwinian. Protolanguages were not early versions of what we’ve got today, they were their own thing, evolved to serve the purposes of their day.

    Earlier in the week, he also posted on a presentation by Terrence Deacon and a cool presentation on "protolinguistic fossils" by Ljiljana Progovac, which seemed to give a different view of the concept from the essentially pidgin language hypothesis of Derek Bickerton.

    UPDATE (2009-09-29): Derek Bickerton wrote to take issue with my last sentence; in his opinion the talks cited here describe a protolanguage bounded by the same essential conditions as his own ideas. I post Bickerton's record in full in the mailbag and a few additional words of reply.

  • Religion and evolution book showdown

    Wed, 2009-08-12 00:13 -- John Hawks

    William Saletan reviews Robert Wright's book, The Evolution of God, with some discussion of Nicholas Wade's upcoming book, The Faith Instinct: How Religion Evolved and Why It Endures, in the unfortunately-titled article, "Evolution's place in a created universe."

    So who's right in this debate? Is religion a product of natural selection, cultural evolution, or God's truth?

    Here's one possibility: all of the above.

    I agree with Wade that cultural evolution is an exaggerated metaphor. Wright asserts that "just as genes are transmitted from body to body, down the generations, memes are transmitted from mind to mind." But that's a stretch. Memes don't pass from generation to generation the way genes do. One requires only procreation; the other requires parenting and education. For this reason, our cultural inheritance is vulnerable in a way that our biological inheritance isn't.

    An interesting thought. What I'd like to see in any of these "evolution of religion" books, is a testable hypothesis. So far, there's a lot of speculation and storytelling, and extraordinarily little critical thinking, connection with what we know of religion in small-scale prehistoric societies. The review intimates Wright's story, in the end, is that religion is a side-effect of the evolution of other stuff -- an "incidental by-product".

    I've got nothing against that idea, but I'd like to see some development of testable predictions. OK, so religion in humans is a "by-product". By-products (like spandrels) don't vary freely, they have patterns that can be explained in terms of architectural or developmental constraints, in terms of the cognitive features of which they are side effects. The dimension of variation that does exist should vary, in this case among human societies, in ways that reflect demographic and information constraints. Draw out predictions about these things and test them. Let's have some numbers.

    Until then, these books are pretty much the equivalent of "dog IQ" books. There's sure a market for them.

  • Orangutan music

    Mon, 2009-08-10 11:09 -- John Hawks

    One step closer to Ewoks:

    Orangutans make musical instrument

    Kiss squeaks come in three different forms: unaided (lips only); with the hand in front of the lips; and with leaves in front of the lips. The leaves are stripped off a twig and held in a bundle in front of the orangutan's mouth while the animal makes the kiss squeak.

    When scientists first observed this behavior, they weren't sure exactly why the orangutans used the leaves. The new study suggests that the tool lowers the frequency of the kiss squeak, making the orangutan producing the call sound bigger to their potential predator.

    OK, it's hardly "music" -- it's on the order of chimpanzee leaf sponges in terms of complexity. Kind of an ape kazoo.

  • Pigment use and symbolic behavior in the Neandertals

    Tue, 2008-07-15 13:06 -- John Hawks

    Some months ago I was taking some notes about Neandertal pigment use, drawn from a recent article by Marie Soressi and Francesco d'Errico. I got distracted and didn't finish writing them up at the time.

    Recently, a number of readers have asked for my thoughts on the article, "The Mythical Moderns," by Robert Bednarik. It is very much worth doing, particularly since a couple of prominent news articles have returned to the issue of "out of Africa" and modern human origins. I also want to discuss the ongoing debate between Paul Mellars and João Zilhão (and others), which touches on many of the same issues. But it's going to take a lot of groundwork to do a good job reviewing the current state of the science.

    So I'm returning to old notes, including these.

    Soressi and d'Errico's article (in French) discusses three different kinds of evidence for Neandertal "symbolic behavior" (I'm going to scare-quote this for the time being), including engravings (mainly on bone, but also stone), ornaments, and pigments. The first two are worth separate discussions, and in particular Neandertal pendants and other ornamental objects are reviewed well in other publications. The real feature of this article is its relatively detailed discussion of the authors' work documenting pigment use.

    I've translated the French here to give the gist of the section. I'm retaining "colorant" throughout even though it's an odd English word, but it's hard to translate differently without creating redundancies, since in some cases it might be better rendered as "paint," "pigment," or simply "color." The section immediately follows the authors' discussion about the Neandertals' possible curation of "curiosities" like fossils and minerals, explaining the first sentence:

    Blocks of pigments have long been placed in the category of curiosities. However, certain authors very early on advanced the hypothesis that these blocks could have been used as colorants. The technical and trace analysis of this material, together with the creation of an experimental reference, provide a new basis for the interpretation of colorant use by Neandertals. This work is in progress, but already we can demonstrate the transport of these pigments into archaeological deposits and can interpret their mode of use.

    In Europe, more than 70 horizons dated to the Lower and Middle Paleolithic have yielded blocks of pigments or objects that served to grind colorants. Most often, these consist of black pigment, manganese dioxide, and more rarely ochre. Most of these sites date to the end of the Middle Paleolithic, between 60 and 40,000 years ago, and are attributed to the Mousterian of Acheulean Tradition (MTA), or to the Charentian Mousterian.

    We have undertaken the study of this category of artifacts, combining microscopic and rugosimetric analyses. This is possible without danger to the objects thanks to unique equipment which images and allows 3D reconstruction of the microtopography of surfaces without any physical contact. This equipment also allows a quantification of the state of the surface for measurement of variables related to its rugosity [roughness]. One can thus compare on the same basis both archaeological pieces and experimental products, [....] the qualitative character of simple microscopic observations. (Soressi and d'Errico 2007:303-304, my translation).

    Their detailed work was concentrated on the pigments found at the two sites of Pech de l'Azé I and IV. I am translating an extensive section here that details why Soressi and d'Errico are making a strong claim for pigment use:

    More than 500 blocks have been discovered [at Pech I], some found during our recent excavations in a level older than 43,000 years (Soressi et al. 2007). The site had been excavated in the 19th century, and it is probable that the 500 blocks and fragments in our analysis represent less than half of the total colorant fragments left in the site by the Neandertals. Pech IV is 80 meters from Pech I, and its upper beds are contemporary with the latter site (McPherron et al. 2001, McPherron and Dibble 2000); but, in contrast with Pech I, only a very small number of colorants have been found at Pech IV: 26 pieces, spread across 9 archaeological levels, with 15 clearly utilized.

    These pigments are most often blocks of manganese dioxide, suitable as black colorant. Some blocks of red or yellow ochre have also been found, but none bear clear traces of use. These blocks can be found naturally in the environment near the sites, the source is local.

    The observations on blocks of manganese dioxide show that there is a clear difference between the natural surface of a block, which is irregular, and surfaces used by people, which are planed off by abrasion and in some cases polished (Figure 11). Most of the blocks of manganese dioxide bear clear traces of use: at least 250 pieces utilized at Pech I, a bit more than 20 at Pech IV. Many facts indicate that these traces are due to intentional modifications and use as pigments, and not natural or post-depositional alterations:

    these pigment blocks are associated with objects used to work them (a millstone, made on flint);

    the use facets on these blocks are similar to those observed on Upper Paleolithic pigments and identical to those that we have produced experimentally;

    the position and morphology of the use facets on the blocks are not randomly placed and could not be created by a natural phenomenon.

    Very few of these colorant blocks appear to have been carved or engraved by a pointed object like a sharp flint or a bone flake. Most have been abraded, which produced facets covered with fine parallel striations. Seventy percent of the facets bear striations visible to the naked eye. Others bear microscopic striations or present totally polished surfaces. The location of the facets on the support and the orientation of the striations reveals that the [hand] motions that abraded them followed a pattern. The small ends of blocks were systematically used in a way that produced elongated facets. To produce these facets, the Neandertal exercised a back-and-forth motion on a flat grindstone, in a direction parallel or oblique to the axis of the future facet. This process allowed the production of quite flat or slightly convex facets. Also, some pieces bear traces of use on a pointed end, or at the edge between facets, indicating that they were used as crayons.

    We have observed that many possible uses appear not to correspond to the depth, density, or morphology of striations seen on archaeological pigments. For example, striations that come from rubbing on fine sandstone similar to that found at the site are very specific and are not found except on a very small proportion of the archaeological pieces.

    At the other extreme, the polish that is obtained experimentally by rubbing a block on wet skin is very different from the polish observed in the archaeological blocks.

    At this stage, our ongoing analyses show that among the blocks from Pech de l'Azé I, more than half were abraded on stone before being used on supple materials, such as dry skin or human skin. The abrasion of pigments on stone plaques, also found in the excavations, appears to have been done by the Neandertals with the objective of creating elongated facets with strong potential as colorants, which could then be used to mark, as with charcoal, other supple materials, including human skin, for body paintings. The mode of use of blocks from Pech IV does not appear very different. Some pieces bear grooves produced by scraping the surface with flakes or retouched tools. That indicates, in parallel with another use of charcoal, the Neandertals produced a colorant powder for use as such, or more probably, mixed with a binding agent. Considering the volume of sediments excavated at the two sites, the inhabitants of Pech IV utilized less colorant than those of Pech I, and at the latter site, those who contributed to the formation of the lower beds used more than those who accumulated the upper beds. The blocks of pigments were therefore used more intensively in some circumstances or periods but rarely in others. (Soressi and d'Errico 2007:305-306).

    They go on to conclude that the circumstances leading to pigment use by Neandertals may be explicable by social or intrinsic factors, because the availability of raw material was certainly the same for the two sites, and the environment was also approximately the same across the duration of habitation, as indicated by the faunal remains.

    After their discussion of all three aspects of symbolic behavior, Soressi and d'Errico return to the question of how pigment use relates to the other elements of the record:

    The facts permit one to maintain that artistic activities in the most ancient Neandertals were rare. However, after 60,000 years ago, the use of pigments, the fabrication of pendants, and the ornamentation of bone objects with abstract designs make the archaeological evidence easier to interpret. Some of these activities, like the use of pigments, seem to have been developed well before any direct contact with modern humans. For pendants and decorated bone objects, the scientific community is divided. Some consider these manifestations as autonomous developments; others as the result of contact between Neandertals and moderns; others as an acculturation of Neandertals, which could have been taken from cognitively superior modern humans. Finally, some authors think that Neandertals would not truly have been influenced by modern humans, but merely copied modern behaviors without understanding the profound implications. This latter vision is becoming more and more a minority position, and a consensus seems to be forming that even where certain cases were acquired by contact, this transfer was possible because Neandertal societies possessed cognition and social systems and techniques permitting such exchanges.

    It is dangerous to deduce from the late date of this development that the Neandertals were limited in their cognitive capacities for the production of artistic works. In fact, only modern human societies in Europe, more recent than the last Neandertals, give us preserved evidence of prolific artistic activities. Things went differently elsewhere in the world, both before, and even after 35,000 years ago.

    In the end, it is evident that much work remains to be accomplished. Most transported objects, called "curiosities," as well as most pieces bearing regular incisions, have not been analyzed with modern methods. It is indispensible to dispose of many assumptions in order to more precisely understand the context of the development of symbolism in Neandertals. Only from these efforts will such art become less equivocal (Soressi and d'Errico 2007:307, my translation).

    Stalagmite containers

    The evidence for pigment use in the Mousterian is not only centered around these crayons of pigment themselves. In Cioarei-Borosteni Cave, Romania, eight pigment containers have been found in a Middle Paleolithic context. These are small fragments of stalagmites, basically cup-shaped, with pigment and scratches on the inside.

    The hollow in 8 oval (4-8 cm wide) fragments of stalagmite is about 1 cm. The edges are fractured, perhaps by natural causes. However, some scraping and polish marks in the middle of the hollows can be easily observed under microcope. Ochre deposits are also visible inside them, but never on the outside surface. The ochre remains are either isolated, or covering the entire surface of the concavity and the edges of the fragment. Complete chemical analysis will reveal the origin of this deposit and its link with the ochre residues observed in the sediments. The fact that the scraping and polish marks are always localized in the same zone, associated with the yellow and red ochre remains, suggests human action (Carciumaru et al. 2002:684).

    Carciumaru et al. note that similar stalgmite containers have been found in the Upper Paleolithic of France (Villars, Delluc 1974), but not otherwise in the Middle or Lower Paleolithic. They review the possible utilitarian uses of ochre in tanning, but note that the lack of other evidence of lithic production or other intensive activity in the cave suggests that it was not a main processing site for hides. They point to body painting or other pigment-using activity as the probable use of the containers.

    References:

    Carciumaru M, Moncel M-H, Anghelinu M, Carciumaru R. 2002. The Cioarei-Borosteni Cave (Carpathian Mountains, Romania): Middle Palaeolithic finds and technological analysis of the lithic assemblages. Antiquity 76:681-690.

    Soressi M, D'Errico F. 2007. Pigments, gravures, parures: Les comportements symboliques controversés des Néandertaliens. Pp. 297-309 in Les Néandertaliens. Biologie et cultures. Document préhistoriques 23. Éditions du CTHS, Paris.

  • Terrence Deacon's The Symbolic Species

    Mon, 2005-01-03 11:19 -- John Hawks

    I was recently asked for my thoughts about this book, and I wrote down some. I think the book is a very important one, and other reviews have raised many relevant issues to think about. But after 6 years, the book is worth revisiting, particularly in the context of what we no know about social learning in primates.

    Deacon's position is that the evolution of human minds is mainly about the evolution of language. So for him, explaining the evolution of language (and the brain features that support it) explains much of interest about humans.

    From a biological perspective, there are two basic options to explain the evolution of language. Neither has a clear consensus behind it, because we basically have no empirical data that addresses the question. One approach is that of Chomsky, whose position is that the brain has a strongly innate ability to learn language, so much so that the grammars of natural languages are confined to a small range of possibilities. But also intrinsic to Chomsky is the idea that the neural underpinnings of language were not themselves selected for their function in language but instead for some other function. In other words, Chomsky has argued that an intermediate form of language--not fully encompassing the grammatical structures of today's langauges--is not possible. Although this has been criticized as anti-evolutionary, in fact it is supported by some prominent evolutionists, such as Stephen Jay Gould, who views it as likely that other brain functions requiring symbolic logic were the targets of selection, and that language later arose as an artifact of culture.

    The second approach is that of Steve Pinker, who basically takes Chomsky at face value--namely, that there is an innate brain capacity for learning natural languages--and claims that language function itself was the target of selection. This explanation has the inconvenient consequence of making it necessary to explain what an intermediate form of language may have been like. It also makes it possible that today's people still vary in their biological capabilities with respect to language, and that selection may still be happening. Large parts of Pinker's books (The Language Instinct, The Blank Slate) are dedicated to explaining why those inferences are unlikely, in his view.

    Pinker invokes as his major evolutionary mechanism the Baldwin effect, which is the idea that learning can make evolutionary change more likely by enabling greater flexibility of behavioral response and thereby reducing the costs of genetic variability within populations. In this view, when behaviors like symbol use or language fall within the range of some individuals in the population, the rest of the population may well be able to learn them. As the population changes behaviorally to learn these skills, natural selection can begin to act on the genetic variation that may be related to them, either because the genes underly the behaviors themselves or the ability to learn the behaviors. In Pinker's view, this is how the ability to learn language, evolves, encompassing the creation of a set of innate brain functions that he calls the "Language Acquisition Device" (LAD). The innate character of the LAD is the reason why there are developmental windows for language learning, and why humans tend to learn language-typical sounds, words, and grammatical features according to a stereotypical series of steps.

    There are some elements of broad agreement between these two different viewpoints that are important to point out. First, they agree that much of interest about the structure of language is essentially determined by innate features of the brain. They only differ on the source of selection for those innate features. Second, they agree that the essential feature of human language is its grammatical organization. The agreement on grammar as the essential feature follows from a number of empirical observations, including the fact that children learn words well before they learn to form sentences or grammatical phrases, that chimpanzees (and other animals) are capable of understanding words and learning to use symbols in simple combinations, and that humans readily learn pidgins as adults that lack the complex features of natural language grammars.

    Deacon differs from this assumption by claiming that symbols are the essential element of human language, far more important in his view than grammar. He argues strongly (and relatively convincingly) that "symbol" use in animals is actually an instance of indexical learning, since those who teach chimpanzees language make sure that the words for things (or signs or computer icons) reliably co-occur along with those things in the chimpanzees' environments. But of course if symbols are learned as indexes by chimpanzees, they are presumably learned that way by prelinguistic children as well, so Deacon needs a way to define symbol that emphasizes how symbols actually differ from indexes. His answer is that symbols are logically connected to other symbols in an interlocking set of relationships. It is this relationship set that characterizes human symbol use, rather than the mere presence of arbitrary signs (Peirce's definition of symbols). In other words, Deacon believes the evolution of language is not to be explained in terms of innate grammatical functions, but instead in terms of the acquisition and manipulation of symbols and symbol-relations. (Deacon does not as far as I can tell use a single term for this idea, but he does talk about the "systemic logic of symbolic reference," I think symbol-relations is a good way to shorten this idea).

    One may ask why these symbol-relations are not the same as grammar. Deacon's view appears to be that the symbol-relations do underlie grammar (or more directly, syntactical relations) as human languages use them. His main disagreement is with the notion of Universal Grammar. Chomsky observed that natural languages in humans appear to "choose" their grammatical rules from a finite set following a flowchart-like series of options. Universal Grammar is his reification of these options, and the basic hypothesis of generative linguists has been that the capacity to use Universal Grammar to structure linguistic communication is present in the minds of language speakers. An important finding about Universal Grammar was a proof by E. Mark Gold (1967) that the rules of a language's grammar could not be learned from a finite series of utterances by any purely inductive process. This supported the notion that some knowledge of grammar must be innate--that language learners must be pre-equipped with biases that encouraged certain kinds of assumptions about syntactic relations, or they would never be able to figure out the grammatical rules of their language.

    But Deacon argues that Universal Grammar is unnecessary. In his view, innate assumptions are not the only way to create learning biases that enable the acquisition of grammar rules. Biases in learning might instead stem from the constraints that young children typically face in interpreting speech. In his view, children ignore many of the details of syntactic relations in their initial attempts to interpret speech. Using a top-down approach, they focus on those elements that are readily understood and later fill in the details. Deacon references experiments in language interpretation by neural networks as well as the transition from pidgins to creoles in mixed-language cultures to support this viewpoint.

    And there are strong evolutionary reasons to doubt the existence of a Universal Grammar. In short, no single language uses all (or even most) of the rules included in Universal Grammar. So the phenotype (behavioral expression) of nearly all the people in any human population must not include many of those rules. If this is true there is certainly no way that natural selection (which can operate only on phenotypes) could result in Universal Grammar being included in most people's brains.

    Like Pinker, Deacon also applies the Baldwin effect as his principal evolutionary mechanism (He makes this very clear on page 328, where he begins "Both Pinker and I argue that...). But instead of grammatical knowledge, he argues that the Baldwin effect applies only to those aspects of language that "impose consistent invariant demands on neural processes" (329). In Deacon's view, the essential process encouraged by Baldwinian evolution in ancient hominids was the extension of joint attention and the breaking of mnemonic-indexical connections that are involved in symbol learning.

    Deacon places these functions correctly in the prefrontal cortex of the brain, but incorrectly argues that this part of the brain underwent relative expansion during human evolution; in fact chimpanzees probably are the same relative size in terms of prefrontal cortex area as humans, and several other parts of the brain may also be involved. What is essential in terms of human evolution is the overall expansion of the neocortex, and much less so the relative sizes of different parts, although the changes in relative extent in the parietal association areas and some specifically language-related features such as Broca's area may be even more important.

    Deacon's viewpoint is very much in line with recent research on learning in primates, particularly as represented by Michael Tomasello. There is an increasing recognition that the social learning processes that underlie the kind of cultural behaviors seen in primates are derived from extended periods of juvenile learning involving more extensive interaction with other individuals, particular mother-offspring interactions. Many of these interactions involve joint attention on objects or other individuals, and the use of such joint attention to enable social learning appears to characterize marmosets, chimpanzees, and other primates in which social learning is important.

    On the other hand, there is no strong evidence that this is the primary mode of evolutionary change leading to human symbolic communication or symbolic culture. Deacon has told a story that makes sense, but there is no strong empirical evidence that supports this view as opposed to other possible ideas about language evolution. I think he is closer to the truth than Pinker, but there are several missing elements as well.

    UPDATE (2008-07-01): I have e-mail from Terrence Deacon regarding one of the points above: prefrontal cortex area in humans compared to chimpanzees. To paraphrase, he notes that the crucial test on the relative size of prefrontal cortex in humans has not been done, as relative measures have been of frontal cortex, not prefrontal. He writes:

    The fact of the matter is that the data which could settle this question are still too skimpy to provide a definitive answer. This must be approached by laborious histological methods. One of my grad students has actually chosen this project for his PhD. So soon we will have a real test. I am betting that my original analysis, based on work by some of the most illustrious neuroanatomists of the last century, will hold up. But before this you can read those papers for yourself and make up you own mind about what has and has not been shown.

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Neandertals

For years, I've worked on their bones. Now I'm working on their genes. Read more about the science studying these ancient people.

Denisova

From a finger bone of an ancient human came the record of a completely unexpected population. My lab is working on the science of the Denisova genome.

Acceleration

The advent of agriculture caused natural selection to speed up greatly in humans. We're uncovering some of the ways that populations have rapidly changed during the last 10,000 years.

Malapa

Just outside Johannesburg, the Malapa site is producing some of the most exciting finds in human evolution. This site is the headquarters of the Malapa Soft Tissue Project.