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paleoanthropology, genetics and evolution

Atapuerca

  • Stature estimates for Sima de los Huesos

    Tue, 2012-01-10 00:44 -- John Hawks

    José-Miguel Carretero and colleagues [1] report on the lengths of long bones from Sima de los Huesos, Spain. I've long been hoping this research would come out, because we've gotten interested in the pattern of body size as an aspect of evolution in early Homo.

    Sima de los Huesos is the single largest sample of fossil Homo, and Carretero and colleagues include 27 mostly complete long bones in their sample. That's around a dozen fewer than the entire sample of Neandertal long bones. This one site has more long bones than the rest of the Early and Middle Pleistocene combined.

    Here are the tibiae, for example:

    Tibiae from Sima de los Huesos

    Complete tibiae from Sima de los Huesos, from Carretero et al. [1], figure 2.

    The paper shows that the Sima hominins averaged a bit taller than Neandertals for most of the long bones.

    That conclusion isn't quite as simple as it might look, because the sample of male Neandertal femora actually average 3 mm longer than the Sima de los Huesos femora. Both samples have more than double the number of males as females, so the male comparison draws on a much larger sample size. The Neandertal male femoral sample is biased a bit high by the inclusion of both left and right femora from Amud, the tallest of the Neandertal skeletons. The tibia sample gives a substantially shorter stature for Neandertal males, both because Amud isn't there, and because the limb proportions of Neandertals have short tibiae relative to their femora.

    That's the problem of using stature estimates instead of simple bone lengths: Nothing's simple. Fossil samples impose some limits on the kind of analyses we can undertake. Carretero and colleagues address stature both because of its biological relevance and because estimating stature is the most reasonable way we can incorporate different long bones into a single size comparison. But considering stature introduces some problems of estimation. We can't be sure how many individuals are represented by the long bones. We can determine a minimum: Six right tibiae came from a minimum of six bodies, for example. But if two arm bones and a leg bone all came from the same skeleton, that individual will be represented three times within this sample, and we don't have a way to exclude that possibility. Worse, estimating stature requires a regression drawn from some population, but that population may have different proportions than the fossils. In this case, Neandertals and the Sima de los Huesos samples probably have different crural indices, the ratio of the length of the tibia to the length of the femur. So statures estimated from these bone lengths based on some recent human population will have systematic biases due to the different proportions in the fossil populations.

    Carretero and colleagues note that most of the bones (humerus, radius, tibia) have shorter average statures in the Neandertal sample compared to the Sima de los Huesos sample. The femora and ulnae are longer in the male Neandertals. All the bones that can be compared are shorter in the female Neandertals than the female Sima de los Huesos individuals. It's probably a good bet that the Sima people were a bit taller than Neandertals. Still, the tall West Asian Amud skeleton points to the possibility of variation among Neandertals from different regions.

    The differences between Neandertals and the Sima de los Huesos sample are quite small compared to the much taller statures attributed to modern humans from West Asia (Skhul and Qafzeh). These skeletons are more ancient than most of the Neandertal sample, but at 100,000 years old, much later than the other skeletal samples included in the paper including Sima de los Huesos. The authors make a strong point of this, suggesting that tall stature is a fundamentally new feature of the evolution of modern humans (which they equate with "early H. sapiens"):

    As we have shown here, ‘medium height’ and ‘above-medium height’ people seem to characterize the primitive Homo biotype, while a ‘very tall’ body characterizes the derived biotype. The heights proposed for all fossil human species, except early H. sapiens, seem to average around 165–170 cm, although tall individuals exist within all samples (e.g., Amud 1, Kabwe and Jinniushan). It is only the first H. sapiens that are consistently and dramatically taller. Therefore, the evolution of stature (and perhaps also body size and shape) in humans seems to have been characterized by a long period of stasis during which the primitive body plan shared by the different Homo species varied rather little in stature throughout the Pleistocene, until the rapid appearance 200 ka of a new species with a new biotype, the ‘light’ H. sapiens.

    The paper's broad assertion is that Early and Middle Pleistocene humans everywhere in the world shared the same basic body plan, with stature around 165-170 cm (for males) and relatively broad pelves. The reference to modern humans as "light" concerns the relatively narrower pelvis of recent humans.

    I have no disagreement about the issue of pelvic breadth, although it deserves a separate review. But the stature of the Skhul-Qafzeh sample is neither very extreme nor is it typical of other Late Pleistocene or Holocene modern human samples. I will reprint a quote from my 2007 post about the statures of the Dmanisi hominins ("News flash: Dmanisi hominids were not short"):

    Pretty and colleagues (1998) studied an archaeological sample of Aboriginal Australians from the Murray River region. Using stature estimation methods for the tibia, femur and humerus, they found that males in their sample (n=55) had an average stature of 166 cm and females (n=40) an average of around 153 cm. Wells (1952) reported a mean for !Khu (Northern Bushmen) males of 158 cm and females of 148 cm, both with standard deviations around 5 cm. Ruff (2000) puts the average stature of males at Pecos Pueblo at 161.2 cm with a range from 155 to 168 cm. In the KNM-WT 15000 monograph, Ruff and Walker (1993) report the average stature of African population samples, excluding Pygmies, as 162.3 cm. And although it is common knowledge that the Early Upper Paleolithic people of Europe were tall, the average male stature in the Late Upper Paleolithic was around 166 cm, and the average female stature around 153 cm (Formicola and Giannecchini 1999) -- virtually the same as Australians.

    The Skhul and Qafzeh people were indeed tall relative to these other human samples, with male skeletal elements yielding stature estimates from 170-190 cm. The average stature of American men today is 176 cm. Holliday [2] showed that early Upper Paleolithic males had an average stature around 170 cm. According to Carretero and colleagues, the average Sima de los Huesos adult male had a stature around 168-170 cm. And as they note, taller individuals with stature estimates of 180 cm or more are present in the Early and Middle Pleistocene sample -- most notably the large Kabwe tibia, but we can also mention KNM-ER 1808 and KNM-ER 736 from the Early Pleistocene of Kenya.

    I disagree with the paper's suggestion that modern humans represent a new pattern of tall stature compared to earlier humans. I propose instead as a null hypothesis that human stature has not changed systematically since the Early Pleistocene.

    That doesn't mean human stature hasn't evolved. Human populations today are variable in stature, and they were in the recent past. We have pygmy populations with statures that average 150 cm or less in males, and peoples with statures that average close to 180 cm. Tall and short-statured populations today live in nearly every region, or did so in early Holocene times. Some of the variation in stature among populations is nutritional, some is additive, and both sources of variation appear to have emerged repeatedly in different contexts in recent human evolution.

    I suggest that pattern of variability would also have been present in earlier populations of humans. The differences between Neandertals and early Upper Paleolithic Europeans and the Skhul-Qafzeh sample were substantial but do not exceed the differences among recent human populations. The human stature adaptation is variable within a relatively broad niche, and has been so for nearly 2 million years.


    References

    Synopsis: 
    The long bones of the Atapuerca people double our information about early human statures
  • The lion diet

    Wed, 2010-06-30 13:08 -- John Hawks

    National Geographic News a couple of weeks ago ran a story about lion-eating at Gran Dolina ("Prehistoric Europeans Hunted, Ate Lion?"):

    Cut marks on the lion bones allowed the team to reconstruct how the Neanderthal ancestors skinned and defleshed the lion, as well as broke its bones to remove marrow.

    That's the basic idea. The article goes on to get various archaeologists to speculate on what it means for an early human to cut up a lion. You know, were they desperate? Was the lion already dead when they found it? Did they like to eat lions? Yada yada yada. It would be more instructive to compare across the Pleistocene the number of lions with cutmarks (rare) to the number of lions that look like they were eaten by hyenas (many). This specimen is a data point, but one among many.

    The research paper by Ruth Blasco and colleagues is in the online early section of the Journal of Archaeological Science. It's a broader paper that discusses the lion remains in the context of the zooarchaeology of the site. The fauna date to MIS 9, which is around 300,000 years ago. The (one) lion is not the only carnivore -- there are brown bear, fox, and wolf bones also -- but only the lion has substantial evidence of human activity. Most of the fauna are large herbivores, with marrow-bearing elements predominantly brought in by humans and broken up. There is some evidence of carnivore activity, and the lion in particular seems to have been chewed on by a fox. Some of the cutmarks correspond to removal of viscera.

    What to make of it? The people were hungry, that's not terribly surprising. Whether they killed the lion or scavenged it is unclear. Those are the limits of Paleolithic forensics.

    I'm a bit surprised that neither the research paper nor the press article make note of the hypervitaminosis A explanation for the bone condition suffered by KNM-ER 1808. Alan Walker had claimed that the excess of vitamin A came from eating carnivore liver, and made a big story out of the hunting ability of early Homo on that basis. Later, Bruce Rothschild attributed the KNM-ER 1808 bone condition to yaws. I guess the lion-liver-eating story has died for good.

    References:

    Blasco R, Rosell J, Arsuaga JL, Bermúdez de Castro JM, Carbonell E. 2010. The hunted hunter: the capture of a lion (Panthera leo fossilis) at the Gran Dolina site, Sierra de Atapuerca, Spain. J Archaeol Sci 37:2051-2060. doi:10.1016/j.jas.2010.03.010

  • Mailbag: First Europeans

    Sat, 2009-12-19 13:35 -- John Hawks

    Regarding Lézignan-le-Cèbe:

    Now that's interesting. Few thoughts:
    1. Can you be more specific about the artifact skepticism?

    The question is whether they may be geofacts. If the ones pictured in the article are the best they have, out of a total of around 20, it's a fair question.

    2. Assuming it's real & it's about 1.6Ma, I think this has interesting implications about the initial Out of Africa expansion. It seems clear between this & Dmanisi that the earliest people in Europe did not have Acheulean technology. This leads me to two questions:
    A. Is the Acheulean really that superior to the Oldowan, in terms of straight up functionality? People have kicked around the idea that the handaxe might have been more important in terms of social interactions (i.e. the big handaxes as signs of competence/sexiness/whatever). I don't know enough about archeology to answer this question.

    I think we have to answer this with reference to the mechanism that causes Acheulean artifacts to be so widespread and persistent. This means not only bifaces but also aspects of procurement and other element of artifact reduction. It's easy to see why Oldowan is widespread and persistent: If you can maintain the idea of stone tools, knocking flakes off rocks, you've got Oldowan.

    But why bifaces? One possible answer is the same as the Oldowan -- they're really quite obvious. But if they were so obvious and easy, why didn't anybody make them earlier?

    My preferred explanation: They were functionally valuable, not too difficult, and were therefore recurrently invented again and again. This is the explanation for the fire drill in recent contexts -- independent invention. The test is whether there are non-biface aspects of the Acheulean that are too persistent to be compatible with independent invention. I don't know. Some obvious objections: If bifaces were so good, why were they ultimately replaced most everywhere? And why didn't they use them more often in East or Southeast Asia?

    Bifaces could be easier than we might suspect for another reason: Maybe there were genetic biases maintaining them.

    B. If the Acheulean is simply better technology, were humans really spread so thinly on the landscape at this time that they couldn't transmit a better technology across continents? If they were, it certainly highlights the appropriateness of source/sink models of human expansion out of Africa.

    I agree. The question is how hard were they to transmit? If we knew, we could say much about the demography.

    3. Assuming the site is legit & the Acheulean is plain better, does this have implications for the Out of Africa 2/Replacement model? The linchpin of that is that better technology allowed modern humans to once again expand out of Africa & replace the archaic peoples. But if ancient humans could expand out of Africa initially with nothing more than pebble tools, doesn't that seem to mitigate the logic of advanced technology facilitating a later expansion & replacement? Maybe the two out of Africa events are apples & oranges & this comparison simply isn't valid. (That is there was no one to outcompete initially, relative success is not a factor for the initial expansion.)

    4. Makes you wonder what else is in Europe at this early age.

    Don't forget Sima de Elefante. It's not as old, but it already raises many of the same questions. Was early European occupation constant? Was it an expansion out of Africa or Asia? Was it predictable as a consequence of Homo's ecology, or did it depend on some unique climatic conditions?

    5. Imagine they find hominin fossils. How much would you bet they're similar to the Dmanisians?

    Not too long ago, we had two options -- they were like Ceprano, or they were like Gran Dolina. Now Ceprano looks a lot less likely. And Gran Dolina, which gives us basically a face, isn't so awfully different from the Zhoukoudian faces. How hard would it be to derive these from Dmanisi? On the other hand, what do we know about the faces Africans after 1.5 million years ago? We've got OH 12 and Buia.

    Of course, we might predict that faces should be extremely variable, considering that the mandibles are. I'll be writing something about KNM-ER 1482 before long, which strikes me as an interesting case.

  • Sima species

    Fri, 2009-10-09 14:49 -- John Hawks

    Michael Balter has a nice Science writeup of the recent Gibraltar conference, "Human Evolution 150 Years After Darwin."

    A hush fell over the room as Tattersall sat down and Arsuaga got up to speak. To nearly everyone's surprise, Arsuaga agreed that the Sima de los Huesos skulls looked nothing like other H. heidelbergensis specimens. Nor, he said, do 13 other skulls his team had recently excavated there. "We have always said that we put the Sima hominins under the H. heidelbergensis umbrella for convenience, for practical reasons," Arsuaga said, adding that his team agrees with Tattersall that the accretion scenario is not likely. But he resisted Tattersall's call to rename the Sima fossils, at least until the remaining 13 skulls are published in coming months.

    Below that, Jean-Jacques Hublin shows he's a lumper not a splitter.

    References:

    Balter M. 2009. New Work May Complicate History Of Neandertals and H. sapiens. Science 326:224-225. doi:10.1126/science.326_224

  • Language, speech, and early humans

    Sun, 2009-02-22 16:25 -- John Hawks

    I'm doing a little literature review this week on Middle Pleisocene postcrania. On a somewhat tangential topic, the description of the Sima de los Huesos cervical vertebrae, by Gómez-Olivencia and colleagues (2007), includes a nice summary of the current knowledge of the thoracic vertebral canal of KNM-WT 15000 and other early Homo specimens.

    Much attention has been devoted to vertebral-canal size and its relationship to spoken language. One factor in the evolution of human language that would be reflected in vertebral-canal morphology is increased breath control (MacLarnon, 1993, MacLarnon and Hewitt, 2004). Modern humans have an enlarged thoracic vertebral canal, reflecting a larger amount of gray matter. Based on the morphology of the KNM-WT 15000 individual, a narrower thoracic canal has been proposed for Homo ergaster, indicating that this species may only have been capable of short, unmodulated utterances, such as those used by extant nonhuman primates (MacLarnon and Hewitt, 1999). However, significant abnormalities have been found in the KNM-WT 15000 individual (Latimer and Ohman, 2001), which could indicate some form of axial dysplasia, and so the small canal may be a reflection of a neural-canal stenosis associated with the pathology. In contrast, Schiess et al. (2006) argued that the diagnosis of a congenital dysplasia is not supported, indicating that the pathological lesions in the KNM-WT 15000 individual may not be as severe as previously reported. Moreover, the Dmanisi vertebrae (Meyer, 2005 and Meyer et al., 2006), which are the oldest known for the genus Homo, follow the modern human pattern in all regions, as the raw and relative sizes of the vertebral canals fall well within the human range, indicating that these hominins may have had fine control of the respiratory muscles involved in spoken language (Meyer, 2005 and Meyer et al., 2006).

    Arsuaga et al. (1997a) showed that the mean cranial capacity of SH's three most complete crania (1245 cm3) (Arsuaga et al., 1993 and Arsuaga et al., 1997c) is slightly less than that of two comparative samples from the Hamann-Todd Osteological Collection. However, given the large body-weight estimates for these hominins, their encephalization quotients are below both modern human or Neandertal values (Arsuaga et al., 1999). In Neandertals, higher encephalization quotients are reached by expansion of the cranial capacity, while in modern humans it is mainly achieved by a reduction in body mass (Arsuaga et al., 1999 and Carretero et al., 2004). In addition to the parallel trends in encephalization in these two lineages, the absolute size of the bony vertebral canal in the upper cervical spine reached modern human values by the middle Pleistocene. Preliminary studies (Carretero et al., 1999, Gómez et al., 2004 and Gómez-Olivencia, 2005) have shown that the SH lower cervical spine's canal had a similar size compared to modern humans, but a full assessment of this anatomical region will not be possible until larger sets of cervical and thoracic vertebrae are associated. In any case, as demonstrated by Martínez et al. (2004), the SH hominins had the skeletal characteristics of the outer and middle ear that support the perception of spoken language (Gómez-Olivencia et al. 2007:22).

    The Meyer references are to Marc Meyer's dissertation on the Dmanisi vertebral remains and a subsequent conference presentation. I think those are more than sufficient to say that this particular piece of anatomy isn't evidence for restricted breathing control in early Homo. I don't have much more to say, just though these two paragraphs sum up a lot of information in a useful way.

    References:

    Gómez-Olivencia A, Carretero JM, Arsuaga JL, Rodríguez-García L, García-González R, Martínez I. 2007. Metric and morphological study of the upper cervical spine from the Sima de los Huesos site (Sierra de Atapuerca, Burgos, Spain). J Hum Evol 53:6-25. doi:10.1016/j.jhevol.2006.12.006

  • Hearing at Atapuerca

    Sun, 2008-07-13 17:26 -- John Hawks

    A story in Science News by writer Tia Ghose, about the hearing capacities of the Atapuerca/Sima de los Huesos people, has been making the rounds, including Slashdot. I've been working on this question of hearing evolution (and my AAPA paper this spring was on the subject), so I don't have a lot to say. But if you've never heard about this before, the original study by Ignacio Martínez and colleagues, has been out since 2004.

    The results are quite clear: the Atapuerca middle ears (including the ossicles and shape of the canal) have a sound transmission potential that is maximal in the frequency range used by human speech, a range that chimpanzee middle ears do not amplify well. That seems pretty likely to indicate co-evolution of human auditory and vocal capabilities in the time before 500,000 years ago. Does that mean language? It certainly seems likely to mean some kind of vocal communication not shared with other hominoids, but that need not include every element of present-day human language.

    Why is it news now? I suppose it's probably because Martínez et al. recently presented their research at the Acoustic Society of America. another paper on the research, in the Journal of the Acoustic Society of America. The abstract is available online.

  • 1.2 million year old hominid from Spain

    Wed, 2008-03-26 16:04 -- John Hawks

    Eudald Carbonell and many colleagues report on a partial mandible from Sima del Elefante, one of the caves at Atapuerca, Spain:

    The earliest hominin occupation of Europe is one of the most debated topics in palaeoanthropology. However, the purportedly oldest of the Early Pleistocene sites in Eurasia lack precise age control and contain stone tools rather than human fossil remains. Here we report the discovery of a human mandible associated with an assemblage of Mode 1 lithic tools and faunal remains bearing traces of hominin processing, in stratigraphic level TE9 at the site of the Sima del Elefante, Atapuerca, Spain. Level TE9 has been dated to the Early Pleistocene (approximately 1.2-1.1 Myr), based on a combination of palaeomagnetism, cosmogenic nuclides and biostratigraphy. The Sima del Elefante site thus emerges as the oldest, most accurately dated record of human occupation in Europe, to our knowledge. The study of the human mandible suggests that the first settlement of Western Europe could be related to an early demographic expansion out of Africa. The new evidence, with previous findings in other Atapuerca sites (level TD6 from Gran Dolina), also suggests that a speciation event occurred in this extreme area of the Eurasian continent during the Early Pleistocene, initiating the hominin lineage represented by the TE9 and TD6 hominins.

    There's not a lot to add. The mandibular fragment is toward the small end of sizes represented in early Homo of earlier or equivalent age. The authors also present some details about the archaeological assemblage associated with the mandible, which is sparse with only 32 artifacts.

    This is an extension of the story published last July, at which point I wrote:

    Not much more to say, really.

    Well, sometimes things really are self-explanatory!

    References:

    Carbonell E and 29 others. 2008. The first hominin of Europe. Nature 452:465-469. doi:10.1038/nature06815

  • D'Errico on Neandertal language

    Sat, 2008-03-15 11:56 -- John Hawks

    Edmund Blair Bolles is reporting from the Evolang conference in Barcelona. Unfortunately I had to cancel my presentation there, but it has been great to read these summaries of some of the papers. I wanted to point readers to his account of Francesco D'Errico's talk:

    Neanderthals had language comparable to that of Homo sapiens, Bordeaux-based archaeologist Francisco D’Errico told participants in the Evolang conference in Barcelona this morning (Saturday, March 15, 2008). This claim totally discards the older Big Bang theory that said language arose only very recently (40 to 75 thousand years ago), and also challenges the Out-of-Africa theory that proposes Homo sapiens emerged in Africa about 200 thousand years ago and spread over the rest of the world, carrying language and culture with the, beginning about 60 thousand years ago. A new history will have to be written.

    If you have been reading here, you have seen many of the new perspectives D'Errico is talking about, but together they make a very compelling package. Consider:

    1. We now know that australopithecines had ape-like vocal tracts, complete with pharyngeal air sacs.

    2. We now know that Middle Pleistocene humans (Atapuerca) had humanlike hyoids, unlike australopithecines, so modern human vocal tract anatomy was plausibly a derived feature of Homo, including Neandertals.

    3. We have good evidence of pigment use from MSA Africa and Mousterian Europe. The Neandertals in particular appear to have been coloring skin with manganese crayons.

    4. Decorative/ornamental artifacts were manufactured both by MSA Africans and Neandertals.

    5. Neandertals shared the modern human-derived FoxP2 variant.

    I have some notes on D'Errico's work (with Maria Soressi) on Neandertal pigment use that I'll post later. Given the confluence of the recent evidence from genetics, archaeology, and anatomy, I do not see how anyone can maintain the hypothesis that Neandertals (and presumably, other Late Pleistocene humans) did not have language.

    Now, that is not to say that they (or any Late Pleistocene humans) were identical in their linguistic adaptations to living or recent people. I still think that communication is the most likely focus of evolutionary change in the Late Pleistocene -- but a change based within a pre-existing community of language users, not a newly-sprung linguistic skill. In fact, I think the next constructive step should be to characterize the variation in linguistic adaptations in recent people, who are surely not identical to each other. That verges on the subject of my presentation, which -- if you attend the AAPA meetings this spring, you will still get a chance to hear. That is, if you stick around until Saturday!

  • New Year's predictions, 2008 edition

    Sun, 2008-01-06 08:34 -- John Hawks

    It's that time of year again -- the time when those boring ``Year in Review'' magazines are on newsstands, and when pundits make fools of themselves predicting what will happen in the next year.

    Well, I'm not too proud to join the fools, as I've shown the last two years. In 2006, I got five predictions right out of ten. Not bad for my first outing, but you'll see that last year's predictions fared even better:

    • 10. Sahelanthropus postcrania will be published. I'm frankly shocked that this didn't happen. I don't doubt the rumors, but I'm starting to wonder whether this story is more interesting than it looks....
    • 9. Two words: Holocene evolution. OK, this was a little unfair, considering that my work was an important part of making this prediction come true. Still, Discover made ``recent human evolution'' one of its top 100 science stories of the year, even before our December paper came out -- mainly on the strength of the paper by Scott Williamson and colleagues from earlier this year. And "Human genetic variation" was Science's "Breakthrough of the Year" -- most of that variation representing recent evolution.
    • 8. Despite (or because of) the success of the Neandertal genome project, there will be no genetics of any kind published on early modern skeletal material. Puzzling, isn't it? But then, considering the trouble with Neandertal contamination reported in August, maybe we're better off leaving the early Upper Paleolithic alone for a while.
    • 7. The mitochondrial history of human dispersals will become more and more detailed, but no paper will test against other loci. D'oh! Reading this one a year later, it's pretty obvious that I should have included Y chromosome in this one, since those two get compared all the time! Proofread, Hawks!
    • 6. Another (yes, another) paper about the chimpanzee-human divergence will peg it between 5 and 7 million years ago. Will they never tire of these? Hobolth et al. (2007, PLoS Genet 3:e7) pegged the divergence at 4.1 million years. That's too recent to fit my prediction. Instead, I have to turn to Ebersberger et al. (2007, Mol Biol Evol 24:2276), who placed the divergence at 5.7 million years ago. Both estimates are too recent for Sahelanthropus, which the geneticists have started to figure out....
    • 5. Three papers with new Ethiopian fossils. The last few years, one annual Ethiopian find seemed to be predictable enough. So I figured, why not three? We got a not-nearly-noted-enough paper this summer by Gen Suwa and colleagues descringing the Konso Homo erectus remains. Then, Suwa brought us Chororapithecus -- hey, I didn't say "hominid!" That's two. But despite the long-ago announcement of the Woranso-Mille skeleton, its appearance in a meetings abstract and a mid-summer press release about further Mille fossils, all we got from the peer review system is a lousy faunal list. Well, the faunal list does include the hominids. Should it count as a "paper with new Ethiopian fossils?" I'll say yes -- hey, unlike Aramis, at least the Mille fossils are new!
    • 4. Another early Upper Paleolithic specimen will emerge from a museum collection. The only bizarre thing about this one was the location: South Africa. Hoffmeyr may not be that convincing as a European early Upper Paleolithic skull, but it was sure sold that way. Weird.
    • 3. A big year for Miocene apes, which will look increasingly important in the story of human brain evolution. No brains, but it sure was a big year for Miocene apes, with two significant East African discoveries claiming to push back the timeline of African ape divergence.
    • 2. Maturation rate in early Homo becomes a dead issue, because of the variation in dental and skeletal maturation in living people. Wishful thinking. Still, did Tanya Smith (2007) breathe new life into perikymata? Let's just say that unresolved questions remain.
    • 1. The year will end without a single new hominid species having been named. This one was like dodging a bullet, since new species riffle out of paleoanthropologists' minds all the time. From 2001 to 2006, there were six (six!). In 2007, none.
    • BONUS: A dramatic development in the problem of pre-2.0-million-year-old Homo. Rats.

    OK, that's seven out of ten. It's beyond belief that I did better in the top five than the bottom five -- I picked those because they were far out there. I mean, really -- a new Upper Paleolithic specimen from a museum collection? After Muierii, that's like calling lightning to strike twice. But there it is, and in January, no less.

    I'm clearly going to have to pick stranger predictions this year. And I'll have to be careful about that "dramatic development" line -- I mean, it's appropriately Delphic, but what is it supposed to mean, really? I wonder whether "operatic development" might be better.

    And do I dare call down my non-lightning strike for a third year? It's ruining my percentage! It's starting to reek of desperation -- I mean, it starts to look like the stopped watch effect even if it happens.

    Oh, well. I mean, those are just the risks of predictions, right? Suppose in the preseason I had picked Kansas to win the Orange Bowl!

    • 10. A dramatic development in the Sahelanthropus story.
    • 9. Both major-party candidates for the 2008 U.S. Presidential election will accept evolution.
    • 8. This year's featured piece of anatomy: the femur.
    • 7. No new hobbits, at least, not from Flores.
    • 6. An incisive example of introgression in East Asia.
    • 5. A viral insertion in the human genome will tell us about a disease of the australopithecines.
    • 4. Another language gene joins FoxP2. No word on whether Neandertals have the human version.
    • 3. Homo habilis: an endangered species?
    • 2. This year, something new from three A's: A. afarensis. A. africanus. Atapuerca.
    • 1. Oh, and one more A. Ardipithecus.
    • BONUS: A big, big year for Neandertals. I mean, besides the election.

    There you have it. I'm not sure which of these is the riskiest, but I'm sure they're more out on a limb than last year!

  • The amazing talking Neandertals

    Fri, 2007-10-19 15:40 -- John Hawks

    This week, Johannes Krause and colleagues from the Max Planck Evolutionary Anthropology institute announced that they had tickled FoxP2 out of two Neandertal specimens from El Sidrón, Spain. The bones were excavated in sterile (clean-cave?) conditions, immediately frozen and then shipped to Leipzig, where extracts were taken in clean-room conditions.

    Here's an FAQ about what they found.

    Why is this paper really important?

    Isn't it obvious? It's important because it demonstrates that more than one Neandertal is suitable for nuclear genome recovery. We will know about genetic variation in Neandertals, sooner rather than later. These two bones come from different individuals, because the Leipzig group found two different mtDNA sequences in them. Together with the Vindija Vi 33.16 specimen in the original Neandertal genome papers, this makes three nuclear genome Neandertals. There will be more.

    It also shows the possibility of probing ancient skeletons for specific genes. Here, they went in looking for Y-DNA, X-DNA and particular sites on FoxP2, and they found them. That is definitely the way to go if you want to test a biologically significant hypothesis fast -- otherwise, you just have to wait until the sequence comes up in your genome project.

    However, I question the value of probing for individual genetic variants in this way. Every probe takes a bit of sample, which might be more efficiently used in whole-genome sequencing. We have 25,000 genes, and every one is potentially interesting. Every small sample used to assay only one of those genes may destroy many sequences from the others. It would be one thing if samples were trivial and easily replaced, but they obviously aren't.

    Still, we will certainly see additional probes for genes that are of particular interest. I wouldn't be surprised to see MC1R results soon, to probe whether there were pigmentation variants in Neandertals. The same has already been done for woolly mammoths.

    So, Neandertals had the human-specific FoxP2 form. Did they talk?

    I think the genetic observation leans toward that direction, but doesn't really change our understanding. Consider:

    Neandertals have a hyoid bone with humanlike anatomy, as did the Atapuerca people at more than 300,000 years ago, even though A. afarensis did not. So something related to vocalization evolved in humans by the Middle Pleistocene. Although Neandertal vocal tracts may not have been identical to recent humans, there is nothing about them that would preclude speech. The only paleoneurological observation about language puts a developed Broca's area on the KNM-ER 1470 endocast, Homo habilis.

    Like other Middle Paleolithic/MSA people, their technology required more information to learn than earlier, Lower Paleolithic industries, leading to regional differentiation and more task-specific facies. Late Neandertals made use of some technology otherwise used only by Upper Paleolithic modern humans. Their hunting methods must have required cooperation and may have been impossible without a more sophisticated communication strategy than used by other primates.

    All of these things argue for some kind of Neandertal language irrespective of FoxP2.

    Then again, most of the arguments against humanlike language facility in Neandertals also have nothing to do with FoxP2, either. The slow technological progress, limited collection strategies, the rarity of any artistic or symbolic expression, their high mortality rate, and -- of course -- the fact that they no longer exist have all been considered as evidence that Neandertals lacked some essential aspect of "behavioral modernity." If language is a prerequisite for the modern human pattern of behavior, then Neandertals may not have talked, at least not in the way we do.

    I think the FoxP2 story has really confused people much more than necessary. But in this case, the confusion is the same that results from every other gene study: when the press says we've found a gene "for" something, what it ought to say is that we've found an allele that affects something.

    No macromutation happened. Language did not spring full-formed into the mind of some ancient African. All members of Homo used communication systems including some (possibly minimal) elements of language, and the evolution of the human brain, along with technological changes throughout the Paleolithic, reflect the evolution of communication. Human language evolved -- like all things -- over a long time, and like all complex phenotypes it required a series of mutational changes. Many of these mutations became fixed during recent human evolution, some may still be changing in frequency today. Language evolution is probably a continuing process.

    That means that it must have involved many more genes than FoxP2 -- which after all experienced only two amino acid substitutions in all of human evolution. I would imagine the number of genes involved in language evolution is more than 500, and I wouldn't be surprised if it were much more. In that context, it seems quite silly to say FoxP2 is the "critical" evolutionary change for anything.

    Then you agree with Language Log. They told me that FoxP2 isn't a "language gene."

    The case is strong that the two FoxP2 coding substitutions in humans were selected because of their role in language. The gene sequence is strongly conserved in most mammals, and shows similar changes in some other species with unusual vocal adaptations, such as echolocating bats (Li et al. 2007). Its expression pattern delineates areas related to vocalizations in both humans and birds, and the pattern itself differentiates between song-learning versus nonlearning bird species (Haesler et al. 2004, Teramitsu et al. 2004, Webb and Zhang 2005). And of course, mutations to FoxP2 can result in specific language impairment (SLI) in humans.

    Still, that case is only circumstantial. We know that FoxP2 was under selection, that it became fixed in humans, probably during the Late Pleistocene, and that breaking the gene changes brain development and damages language skills. But we don't know what a human would be like with the chimpanzee form of the protein. We don't know whether both of the human-specific amino acid substitutions have a different effect than one. Most important, we don't know what other genetic changes may have been necessary backgrounds for selection on FoxP2.

    This means Neandertals were really modern humans, right?

    This study should put an end to the "sudden mutation" model of modern human origins.

    There was not a single mutation that made the critical difference in the ancestry of today's people. There was no cognitive Rubicon leading to modern human evolution. I would analogize the process as a slow-motion avalanche: at first a few small sands began to tumble, and then selection on a large number of genes became inevitable. FoxP2 is one of those genes, and as yet we don't know whether it was near the beginning or near the end of the process.

    But it is clear that the process began before the Neandertals were gone. Some aspects of behavioral complexity did begin to evolve rapidly sometime after 70,000 years ago. This rapid evolution was multiregional in context -- it was not limited to a single human population. In particular, it was not limited to Africans: the last Neandertals clearly manifested technological and behavioral strategies otherwise defined as "behaviorally modern" (d'Errico 2003). There's a reason why the Neandertal-produced Châtelperronian industry of France and Spain was historically considered the first Upper Paleolithic industry.

    But we have undergone light-years of change since the last Neandertals lived. This is not a question of "modern human origins" anymore. We can now show that living people are much more different from early modern humans than any differences between Neandertals and other contemporary peoples. I think that "modern humans" is on its way to obsolescence. What matters is the pattern of change across all populations. Possibly that pattern was initiated by changes in one region but the subsequent changes were so vast that the beginning point hardly matters.

    We all know that the Neandertal genome is riddled with contamination from modern humans. Isn't the null hypothesis that we have a modern human sequence here because it is a modern human?

    Well, as you know, I'm not all that convinced that contamination explains the interpretive discrepancies between last year's genome papers. But still, this study has done some things to address the problem of contamination.

    It is notable that Green et al. (2006) found 25% modern human mtDNA in one of the El Sidrón bones: this shows that even "sterile" excavation, immediate freezing and extraction under clean-room conditions cannot exclude contamination. There is at the moment nothing more that can be done. We will always have the problem of a contamination fraction in ancient Neandertal skeletons. So we have to judge each study by the extent to which we can exclude contaminants with statistical analysis.

    For this study, Krause et al. (2007) developed a test of nuclear DNA contamination: they identified seven gene variants that differ between the recovered Vindija Vi 33.16 nuclear genome and all known living humans. In other words, these are human-derived mutations that are absent from the only known Neandertal nuclear genome. Then, they probed the El Sidrón bones for these sites. They found only the ancestral form in their extracts of both bones -- presumably because no human contaminants were present in their samples.

    That seems like a pretty good indication that the other sites in their sample represent the true gene variants of the ancient Neandertals. I wouldn't go so far as to say that contamination is ruled out, but it seems like these are good results.

    Did FoxP2 introgress into Neandertals?

    It sure looks that way to me. Let's consider the evidence:

    FoxP2 recently fixed in humans. According to Enard et al. (2002:871):

    Under a model of a randomly mating population of constant size, the most likely date since the fixation of the beneficial allele is 0, with approximate 95% confidence intervals of 0 and 120,000 years.

    Now, Enard et al. (2002) noted that human populations have grown over time, and that they are not randomly mating, so that this date estimate might be too recent. Allowing for population growth since "10,000--100,000 years ago," they asserted that fixation of FoxP2 must have happened "during the last 200,000 years of human history." But this is not quite accurate. Unlike genetic drift, positive selection can and often does fix genes rapidly in a growing population. It simply doesn't matter that the human population has been rapidly growing: FoxP2 may still have just become fixed yesterday.

    Last year, Green and colleagues (2006) considered that the Neandertal-modern population divergence time might have been quite recent, depending on the ancestral population size. According to the estimates of Wall and Kim (2007), the Green et al. data are consistent with a Neandertal-modern population divergence time as recent as 30,000 years ago. Of course, that date would predict substantial admixture between contemporary Neandertal and non-European populations -- they would have been exchanging genes up to the very lifetimes of the last Neandertals. According to those data there would be nothing surprising about Neandertals and living people sharing the human-derived FoxP2 allele. But as mentioned above, Wall and Kim (2007) used the recent divergence estimate as evidence that the Neandertal genome data from Green et al. must be contaminated.

    So, if we cannot trust the data, then we have to fall back on some other estimate of the divergence date. Noonan and colleagues (2006) estimated a divergence date between Neandertals and modern populations between 170,000 and 570,000 years ago. If we accept that, then the confidence intervals of the Neandertal-human divergence and the FoxP2 selective sweep might barely overlap. Might. But I will note that a minimal overlap between the 95% confidence intervals of two point estimates does not mean that they are not significantly different. Only if the expected value of one estimate falls within the 95% confidence interval of the other do they fail to be significantly different. It is pretty unlikely that the most recent FoxP2 sweep is older than 170,000 years ago and the Neandertal-modern population split is as recent as 170,000 years.

    That is, unless the "split" time reflects widespread genetic introgression.

    The current paper (Krause et al. 2007) goes to some contortions to try to establish that the FoxP2 sweep could really have been older than 300,000 years ago (where they place the lower confidence limit on the N-M split):

    The third scenario is that the selective sweep started before the divergence of the ancestral populations of Neandertals and modern humans around 300,000-400,000 years ago

    Let me just say that I was surprised to read this explanation in a paper from this group. One of the main arguments they have been posing as a scientific value of the Neandertal genome sequencing is that conventional methods don't detect selection at 300,000-400,000 years ago. But here, they consider such an ancient mutation to be the most likely hypothesis. This seems like quite a shift just to avoid the unpleasant idea of Neandertal introgression. Ooooh -- can't have those Neandercooties!

    In reality, there is no reason to think the fixation of FoxP2 happened as early as 300,000 years ago, and indeed the very high frequencies of the linked derived alleles (over 97% for six of the linked alleles) suggest strongly that the sweep probably happened within the last 100,000 years -- otherwise, subsquent genetic drift should have caused these linked derived alleles to show more dispersion in their current frequencies. The same features that make the inference of selection so strong at FoxP2 -- it is far (>286 kilobases) from the nearest gene and it includes many high-frequency derived alleles in addition to reduced polymorphism -- make it very unlikely that the selective sweep was ancient.

    So, considering that the El Sidrón samples both share the human-derived amino acid substitutions on the same haplotype as modern humans, complete with all the high-frequency derived SNPs, it seems almost certain that the gene introgressed into Neandertals from modern humans.

    Or, there's one other option. One of the El Sidrón bones includes a relatively rare (in humans) ancestral SNP allele at one of those linked sites where the derived allele is at very high frequency in humans. One explanation: the selected mutation arose in Neandertals and introgressed into other humans. That would explain why this Neandertal didn't have a SNP variant on its FoxP2 haplotype that later became very common in humans: Neandertals had the new FoxP2 first.

    What about that Y chromosome thing?

    The El Sidrón bones both tested positive for the Y chromosome site assayed in the study. That means they were both male (duh!). But more important, the Y chromosomes of both individuals lacked the human-specific derived mutation that the researchers tested for. Since all human males yet surveyed have this human-derived mutation, this means that a Y chromosome variant has fixed in modern humans that Neandertals did not have. Since the entire nonrecombining portion of the Y chromosome is completely linked, we can infer that the entire modern human Y chromosome has undergone at least one fixation not shared with the ancestors of these Neandertals.

    Here's the text (from page 2):

    Both Neandertals yielded products for Y chromosomal primer pairs, indicating that they were males. Strikingly, all 15 Y chromosomal products for the five assayed positions show the ancestral allele. This includes two polymorphisms that define the deepest split among current human Y chromosomes (Y2 and Y4, Figure S1) as well as two polymorphisms that cover less common African Y chromosomes (Y3 and Y5, Figure S1). These Y chromosome results must derive, then, either from Y chromosomes that fall outside the variation of modern humans or from the very rare African lineages not covered by the assay (Figure S1). For our purposes, this result shows that neither the maternally inherited mtDNA nor the paternally inherited Y chromosome shows evidence of gene flow from modern humans into Neandertals or of subsequent contamination of their mortal remains.

    That's not such a big surprise. Already we knew that the fixation of the human Y chromosome was very recent -- probably within the last 70,000--100,000 years, and possibly even more recently. Every man on earth shares recent Y chromosome mutations that were completely absent in Middle Pleistocene humans. That is one radical recent evolutionary change.

    The paper elsewhere suggests that this absence of the human-derived Y chromosome in Neandertals as evidence that they did not contribute other genes to us. I could not disagree more.

    The very recent fixation of the Y chromosome in an expanding human population is extremely unlikely to have resulted from genetic drift. Drift does not eliminate rare variants as quickly in an expanding population. Instead, one or more Y chromosome mutations must have been positively selected, resulting in the fixation of the entire NRCY in recent humans.

    In that context, the Neandertal result is quite expected: they had an earlier Y chromosome lacking one or more mutations later selected in the other ancestors of living people.

    References:

    Briggs AW, Stenzel U, Johnson PLF, Green RE, Kelso J, Prüfer K, Meyer M, Krause J, Ronan MT, Lachmann M, Pääbo S. 2007. Patterns of damage in genomic DNA sequences from a Neandertal. Proc Nat Acad Sci USA doi:10.1073/pnas.0704665104

    d'Errico F. 2003. The invisible frontier. A multiple species model for the origin of behavioral modernity. Evol Anthropol 12:188-202. doi:10.1002/evan.10113

    Green RE, Krause J, Ptak SE, Briggs AW, Ronan MT, Simons JF, Du L, Egholm M, Rothberg JM, Paunovic M, Pääbo S. 2006. Analysis of one million base pairs of Neanderthal DNA. Nature 444:330-336. doi:10.1038/nature05336

    Haesler S, Wada K, Nshdejan A, Morrisey EE, Lints T, Jarvis ED, Scharff C. 2004. FoxP2 expression in avian vocal learners and non-learners. J Neurosci 24:3164-3175. doi:10.1523/JNEUROSCI.4369-03.2004

    Krause J, Lalueza-Fox C, Orlando L, Enard W, Green RE, Burbano HA, Hublin J-J, Bertranpetit J, Hänni C, Fortea J, de la Rasilla M, Rosas A, Pääbo S. 2007. The derived FoxP2 variant of modern humans was shared with Neandertals. Curr Biol 17:1-5. doi:10.1016/j.cub.2007.10.008

    Li G, Wang J, Rossiter SJ, Jones G, Zhang S. 2007. Accelerated FoxP2 Evolution in Echolocating Bats. PLoS ONE 2(9): e900. doi:10.1371/journal.pone.0000900

    Noonan JP, Coop G, Kudaravalli S, Smith D, Krause J, Alessi J, Chen F, Platt D, Pääbo S, Pritchard JK, Rubin EM. 2006. Sequencing and analysis of Neanderthal genomic DNA. Science 314:1113-1118. doi:10.1126/science.1131412

    Wall JD, Kim SK. 2007. Inconsistencies in Neanderthal genomic
    DNA sequences. PLoS Genet 3:e175. doi:10.1371/journal.pgen.0030175.eor

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Neandertals

For years, I've worked on their bones. Now I'm working on their genes. Read more about the science studying these ancient people.

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