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  • Link parade, 2

    Tue, 2012-10-23 23:43 -- John Hawks

    Ben Phelan at Slate writes about the recent evolution of lactase persistence: "The Most Spectacular Mutation in Recent Human History".

    The plot is still fuzzy, but we know a few things: The rise of civilization coincided with a strange twist in our evolutionary history. We became, in the coinage of one paleoanthropologist, “mampires” who feed on the fluids of other animals. Western civilization, which is twinned with agriculture, seems to have required milk to begin functioning. No one can say why. We know much less than we think about why we eat what we do. The puzzle is not merely academic. If we knew more, we might learn something about why our relationship to food can be so strange.

    I wanted to quote that passage because it was my friend Greg Cochran's son Roddy who coined the term "mampires", which is exceptionally clever. On the article as a whole, I think Phelan makes too much of the "mystery" aspect of the advantage of lactase persistence. There are really only two serious hypotheses and none of the possible explanations are mutually exclusive. I would have liked to see the article devote more attention to the multiple lactase persistence mutations in other populations, which together point to the very great advantage of the trait in association with dairying.


    David Dobbs writes in the New York Times about the genetics of intelligence and what we know (and don't know) about it: "If Smart Is the Norm, Stupidity Gets More Interesting". The piece emphasizes that geneticists haven't had much luck finding genes that explain the heritability of intelligence. The problem of "missing heritability" has loomed over complex trait genetics for the last several years, meaning that we can estimate the heritability of traits with twin studies and other traditional pedigree approaches, but single gene loci do not account for much of the variance of these traits. One possibility is that common genes have such small effects that they are statistically difficult to find.

    Another possibility is that very rare genes of small effect -- or new mutations -- may explain the heritability of such traits within families. The most likely reason for large-effect mutations to be rare is if they are deleterious. Across a population, this hypothesis of many rare deleterious mutations is called "genetic load":

    But in some other genetic realms we do differ widely, for example, mutational load — the number of mutations we carry. This tends to run in families, which means some of us generate and retain more mutations than others do. Among our 23,000 genes, you may carry 500 mutations while I carry 1,000.

    Most mutations have no effect. But those that do are more likely to bring harm than good, Dr. Mitchell said in an interview, because “there are simply many more ways of screwing something up than of improving it.”

    This is a nicely balanced treatment and emphasizes evolutionary approaches in an accessible way for Times readers.


    From the San Jose Mercury News, a story by Lisa Krieger: "Open-source science helps San Carlos father's genetic quest".

    One tiny flaw in one gene in one little girl. That explains why Beatrice Rienhoff, 8, is so lean and leggy.

    ...

    No one else in her family had such a syndrome. In fact, apparently no one else in the world did either.

    Rienhoff -- a biotech consultant trained in math, medicine and genetics at Harvard, Johns Hopkins and the Fred Hutchinson Cancer Research Center in Seattle -- launched a search.

    Yes, you can do this now. This father is now making transgenic mice with his daughter's mutation to better understand its effects.

    (via Gene Expression)


    Ken Weiss writes about some of the reasons a family medical history is a better predictor of individual health than genotyping: "23andLess".

    The most likely truth at this stage is that such common traits like heart disease or how tall or heavy you are, are determined by a very large number of genes, mostly with individually very small effects. Each person with the 'same' trait--each diabetic, say--has that trait for a different genetic reason. Individual genetic variants may be causal contributors, but they are not very important.

    I agree with his point...although as I was reading the post, it occurred to me that doctors treat family history as if it were much more effective than it should be, if causal variants really have small effect sizes. Complex disorders are not the same as Mendelian disorders with low penetrance. Having a grandfather with heart disease, for example, should mean substantially less to you than having a grandfather who is tall.

  • Quote: Jerison on animal intelligence

    Thu, 2012-10-04 14:20 -- John Hawks

    Harry Jerison, famous researcher of brain sizes across classes and orders of animals, commented on the relation of "encephalization" to the intelligence of animals by considering the problem one of multidimensional optimization [1]:

    The insight is that comparable amounts of intelligence in different species may not (and normally would not) reflect comparable kinds of intelligence. Many and various intelligences (in the plural) must have evolved in conjunction with evolving environments and with brains and behaviours adapted to those environments.

    That intelligences would be of various kinds is almost an axiom of evolutionary analysis, since adaptations evolve in the contexts of the environments in which they are effective, and species never occupy identical niches. The evolution of neural and sensorimotor adaptations provides many fine examples of uniqueness of species. The visual systems of deer and wolf, for example, may be similar in many ways, for example, in the structure of the sensory cells, neural networks of the retina, and the central nervous pathways and centres. Yet these systems are significantly different: the deer, like most ungulate 'prey' species, probably has panoramic vision whereas the wolf's visual field is more nearly like the primate's proscenium stage. The visual system encumbers significant amounts of nervous tissues and, thus, contributes to brain size and measured encephalization. Neural machinery associated with the sensory systems and motor control systems as a group determines a large fraction of the mass of the whole brain. Equality of encephalization of deer and wolf, thus, implies that the neural control systems for the specialized adaptations, though different in the two species, sum to approximately equal amounts relative to body size.


    References

    1. Jerison HJ. Animal intelligence as encephalization. Philos Trans R Soc Lond B Biol Sci. 1985;308(1135):21-35.
  • A debate: information overload?

    Fri, 2009-01-09 11:32 -- John Hawks

    If you're looking for a way to waste your time today, you might check out The Economist's online debate, which focuses on the question of whether the world is getting more or less cultured. Or as they put it, "smarting up or dumbing down":

    Intelligent Life, The Economist's quarterly sister magazine, has been looking into what is happening to culture in Britain. The editor, Tim de Lisle, presents a mass of evidence that makes a seemingly irrefutable case: all over the country, more people are going to museums, visiting literary festivals and listening to classical music than ever before. If that isn't wising up, it is hard to know what is.

    Susan Jacoby, a scholar whose career began as a reporter on the Washington Post and whose writing now focuses on American intellectual history, sees no reason for Westerners to pat themselves on the back. The education bar, in the Anglo-American world, at least, she says, is being set lower and lower. Fewer and fewer people read books; instead they just hoover up information on the internet. After she wrote an article for her former paper on the decline of reading, she received a deluge of emails from people who said they were proud that they never read books at all. They couldn't see the point.

    The recurring issue in the debate seems to be whether people are using information in a deeper or more superficial way. Since both these terms are laden with moral value (always better to be deep than superficial, right?), one may wonder whether the real question isn't whether we feel better about ourselves or not.

    Indeed, the two participants devolve immediately into schoolmarmy arguments about whether "high culture" is thriving or not. So we have "increasing attendance at museums" on one side the balance and "decreasing market for hardbound fiction" on the other. Blah.

    It would be more interesting to consider the biocultural question: If our culture presents us with more information, do we actually get better at using it over time? There's no mention of the Flynn Effect in the debate, but it seems very relevant -- especially considering the worry that the Brits are "dumbing down".

  • IQ, brain size and genetics in children

    Fri, 2008-12-05 15:01 -- John Hawks

    Dienekes points to a study by Marieke van Leeuwen and colleagues, in which they assess the phenotypic correlation between IQ and brain volume in a sample of 9-year-old children. The correlation overall is between 0.2 and 0.33 for different components of brain volume, consistent with earlier studies of adults based on MRI scanning.

    What interested me about the paper was the last sentence of the abstract:

    The relation between brain volume and intelligence was entirely explained by a common set of genes influencing both sets of phenotypes.

    which seems quite interesting if true. The paper involved a comparison of the phenotypic correlations in sets identical and fraternal twins, allowing an estimate of the genetic correlation of the traits.

    Table 7 shows the genetic and environmental correlations, below and above the diagonal, respectively. Amongst brain measures the genetic as well as the environmental correlations are significant, showing that correlations between genetic and environmental factors both contribute to the phenotypic correlations amongst the three brain measures. The same applies for the phenotypic correlations between PO [perceptual organization] and g [the general factor of IQ], and PO and VC [vocabulary and comprehension, another part of the IQ test]; common genetic as well environmental factors contribute to the phenotypic correlations between these intelligence measures.

    In other words, when it comes to the correlations within the different components of brain volume, and within different parts of the test battery, environmental correlations and genetic correlations were both important.

    In contrast, the phenotypic correlations between brain and intelligence measures and among intelligence measures are explained by correlations between genetic factors only.

    The different values for genetic correlations of test and brain volume variables gives them some ability to test one causal hypothesis:

    If intelligence causally influences brain volumes, this would also be reflected in the genetic and environmental correlations: all genetic and environmental factors that influence intelligence would, through the causal chain, influence brain volume. However, our study shows that only the genetic correlations are significant. In fact 85% to 100% of the covariation between brain volume and intelligence are caused by shared genetic factors. This leaves two options: 1) the relation between brain volume and intelligence is caused by a set of genes which influences variation in brain volume and this variation in turn leads to variation in intelligence 2) pleiotropy: there is a set of genes which influence brain volume as well as intelligence.

    The discarded hypothesis is, unfortunately, the least credible of the three alternatives anyway, unless you think that higher IQ actually inflates the volumes of people's brains.

    The paper could be more clear about the nature of the "common" genetic variants -- what it means is that the genes are held in common between the two phenotypes, not that they have found common genes. That leaves the nature of the actual genetics of the traits completely open (e.g., rare familial variants versus high-frequency variants, regulatory vs. coding, etc.). They do list a number of examples of possible genes (focusing on myelination as a process that might affect both phenotypes), but these are entirely speculative, and not really worth going into at this level.

    What is more interesting is the possibility that the genetic correlations mainly arise from early postnatal development:

    Possibly, these genetic factors come into play already early in development. Gale, O'Callaghan, Bredow, and Martyn (2006) and Gale, O'Callaghan, Godfrey, Law, and Martyn (2004) showed – measuring head circumference – that brain growth during infancy predicts intelligence in eight- and nine-years-olds, while brain size at birth and brain growth later in life is not associated with intelligence in both these age groups. After infancy children could not compensate for poor brain growth earlier in life. This shows that the relation between brain volume and intelligence already is established between birth and one year of age (van Leeuwen et al. 2008:8).

    This is worth further study since the initial postnatal brain growth period and rate have plausibly changed during human evolution. The timing and rate of developmental effects during this time (also very important to linguistic and other cognitive developments) could have been targets of selection in the past.

    Also, modularization (or demodularization) of these genetic networks might have influenced pleiotropies between the disadvantages of larger brains (in developmental and energetic terms) and the advantages of learning.

    References:

    van Leeuwen M, Peper JS, van den Berg SM, Brouwer RM, Hulshoff Pol HE, Kahn RS, Boomsma DI. 2008. A genetic analysis of brain volumes and IQ in children. Intelligence (in press) doi:10.1016/j.intell.2008.10.005

  • Working out how smart brains work

    Fri, 2008-08-22 12:06 -- John Hawks

    Scientific American Mind has an interesting article in the September issue, called "High-aptitude minds". The article ponders explanations for how smart brains work, reviewing some research along the way, and a whole lot of confusion. For example:

    No one is sure why some experiments indicate that a bright brain is a hardworking one, whereas others suggest it is one that can afford to relax. Some, such as Haier—who has found higher brain metabolic rates in more astute individuals in some of his studies but not in others—speculate one reason could relate to the difficulty of the tasks. When a problem is very complex, even a gifted person’s brain has to work to solve it. The brain’s relatively high metabolic rate in this instance might reflect greater engagement with the task. If that task was out of reach for someone of average intellect, that person’s brain might be relatively inactive because of an inability to tackle the problem. And yet a bright individual’s brain might nonetheless solve a less difficult problem efficiently and with little effort as compared with someone who has a lower IQ.

    I think this is analogous to trying to use an oxygen meter to work out why Usain Bolt won two golds. One might imagine this would work in some very narrow subgroup (like Olympic-level sprinters), but when you start considering the total range of humanity you're going to get a lot of noise obscuring whatever signal there is.

  • Numbers, Amazon-style

    Mon, 2008-06-02 23:50 -- John Hawks

    In last week's Science, Stanislas Dehaene and colleagues describe the relation of cultural invention to "universal intuition" about mathematical logic:

    The mapping of numbers onto space is fundamental to measurement and to mathematics. Is this mapping a cultural invention or a universal intuition shared by all humans regardless of culture and education? We probed number-space mappings in the Mundurucu, an Amazonian indigene group with a reduced numerical lexicon and little or no formal education. At all ages, the Mundurucu mapped symbolic and nonsymbolic numbers onto a logarithmic scale, whereas Western adults used linear mapping with small or symbolic numbers and logarithmic mapping when numbers were presented nonsymbolically under conditions that discouraged counting. This indicates that the mapping of numbers onto space is a universal intuition and that this initial intuition of number is logarithmic. The concept of a linear number line appears to be a cultural invention that fails to develop in the absence of formal education (Dehaene et al. 2008:1217).

    The idea is that children in Western societies have to learn that a number line is a linear representation; they begin by compressing the space devoted to large numbers:

    When asked to point toward the correct location for a spoken number word onto a line segment labeled with 0 at left and 100 at right, even kindergarteners understand the task and behave nonrandomly, systematically placing smaller numbers at left and larger numbers at right. They do not distribute the numbers evenly, however, and instead devote more space to small numbers, imposing a compressed logarithmic mapping. For instance, they might place number 10 near the middle of the 0-to-100 segment. This compressive response fits nicely with animal and infant studies that demonstrate that numerical perception obeys Weber's law, a ubiquitous psychophysical law whereby increasingly larger quantities are represented with proportionally greater imprecision, compatible with a logarithmic internal representation with fixed noise (7, 20, 21). A shift from logarithmic to linear mapping occurs later in development, between first and fourth grade, depending on experience and the range of numbers tested (17-19).

    They note that there's a problem testing these ideas in Western children, who are surrounded throughout their development by numbers -- in books, "elevators" and other places. Most of these numbers are small ones -- especially one through ten -- so they might naturally accentuate the ones they know.

    They found when testing the Mundurucu that both adults and children tended to compress the high end of the number scale, even testing numbers between one and ten. This compression is logarithmic -- they accentuate contrasts between small numbers disproportionately. It makes sense logically -- we care more about detailed contrasts between small numbers than large numbers. They don't give an idea of which logarithm people are using; and in fact it may be different ones for different people. The important fact is the small number/large number contrast.

    Dehaene and colleagues attribute this scaling to mapping at the neural level:

    What are the sources of this universal logarithmic mapping? Research on the brain mechanisms of numerosity perception have revealed a compressed numerosity code, whereby individual neurons in the parietal and prefrontal cortex exhibit a Gaussian tuning curve on a logarithmic axis of number (27). As first noted by Gustav Fechner, such a constant imprecision on a logarithmic scale can explain Weber's law -- the fact that larger numbers require a proportional larger difference in order to remain equally discriminable. Indeed, a recent model suggests that the tuning properties of number neurons can account for many details of elementary mental arithmetic in humans and animals (21). In the final analysis, the logarithmic code may have been selected during evolution for its compactness: Like an engineer's slide rule, a log scale provides a compact neural representation of several orders of magnitude with fixed relative precision.

    From that perspective, the Western conception of the number line appears as a very distinctive invention, capable of adjusting the logarithmic encoding to arrive at faster and more accurate mathematical conclusions about large numbers. The authors speculate that addition and subtraction (which display invariance between large and small numbers) and experience with measurement underlay the development of the linear concept in Western children.

    References:

    Dehaene S, Izard V, Spelke E, Pica P. 2008. Log or linear? Distinct intuitions of the number scale in Western and Amazonian indigene cultures. Science 320:1217-1220. doi:10.1126/science.1156540

  • Mad alligators and, insert cliché here

    Sat, 2006-09-16 12:33 -- John Hawks

    On the topic of how to measure intelligence in different species, I found this passage on pp. 256-257 of Georg Streidter's textbook:

    Over the last 50 years or so, it has become apparent that some nonmammals perform just as well as mammals in various learning and "intelligence" tests, as long as the tests are designed with the animal's "special needs" in mind. Davidson (1966), for example, showed that alligators fail to learn a simple discrimination task if the reward is food, but readily master the same task, in the same apparatus, if they are offered the opportunity to escape from excessive heat. Such a finding might have surprised Tinklepaugh or Edinger, but it makes perfect sense once you realize that alligators (as ectothermic creatures with low metabolic rates) can go without food for long periods of time but must frequently move out of the sun to prevent heatstroke. In other words, comparative psychologists have realized that it is blatantly unfair to run reptiles or other nonmammals through intelligence tests that were designed by mammals for mammals (Streidter 2005:256-257).

    This is near the beginning of a chapter on mammalian brain evolution, the introduction of which ends: "After all, the subject of the book is the evolution of brains, not intelligence" (258). The focus on the functional and the adaptive is refreshing -- since the evolutionary utility of the brain is for solving adaptive problems.

    Nevertheless, he later links expanding brain size on the mammal lineage with metabolic rate -- which may be the most straightforward of possible connections, since the sensory evolution of early mammals involved both complex gains (e.g., olfactory) and losses (e.g. chromatic vision) of function.

    I'll probably be quoting more as I get into this.

    References:

    Davidson RS. 1966. Operate stimulus control applied to maze behavior: heat escape conditioning and discrimination reversal in Alligator mississippiensis. J Exp Anal Behav 9:671-676.

    Streidter GF. 2005. Principles of Brain Evolution. Sinauer, Sunderland MA.

  • Are British kids getting dumber?

    Mon, 2006-01-30 21:35 -- John Hawks

    That seems to be the import of this story in the Times Online:

    After studying 25,000 children across both state and private schools Philip Adey, a professor of education at King's College London confidently declares: "The intelligence of 11-year-olds has fallen by three yearsÕ worth in the past two decades."

    On the other hand, the description of the test looks like it covers a fairly concrete set of knowledge:

    In the easiest question, children are asked to watch as water is poured up to the brim of a tall, thin container. From there the water is tipped into a small fat glass. The tall vessel is refilled. Do both beakers now hold the same amount of water? "It's frightening how many children now get this simple question wrong," says scientist Denise Ginsburg, [Michael] Shayer's wife and another of the research team.

    Another question involves two blocks of a similar size -- one of brass, the other of plasticine. Which would displace the most water when dropped into a beaker? children are asked. Two years ago fewer than a fifth came up with the right answer.

    In 1976 a third of boys and a quarter of girls scored highly in the tests overall; by 2004, the figures had plummeted to just 6% of boys and 5% of girls. These children were on average two to three years behind those who were tested in the mid-1990s.

    I'd like to think that sixth-graders could get those things right, too. But the story of the researchers -- that kid's aren't playing with sandboxes and mudpies enough anymore -- doesn't inspire me with confidence. I can definitely see how videogames might not be good training for questions about Archimedes' principle, but going from a third to a fifteenth able to "score highly" isn't necessarily about "general intelligence". I wonder if it's about less advanced coursework for talented students (i.e., the third that used to "score highly").

    It does give a hint about the Flynn effect: If education can make kids do worse, it might easily have made them do better. But the outcome is unclear -- the real reason to pay attention to the Flynn effect is the increase in adult IQ. Here, it's not clear what the result for the 11-year-olds will be.

  • Intelligence in the age of the internet

    Mon, 2005-09-19 21:45 -- John Hawks

    CNET is running a series of articles on the kind of intelligence required for the world of changing technology. The first installment starts thusly:

    Today, terabytes of easily accessed data, always-on Internet connectivity, and lightning-fast search engines are profoundly changing the way people gather information. But the age-old question remains: Is technology making us smarter? Or are we lazily reliant on computers, and, well, dumber than we used to be?

    The article's answer is that different skills don't mean different reasoning and learning. Not unexpected, since business' focus in the wake of technological change is always training and retraining the same minds for different skillsets.

    The main idea is how memory is less necessary when you have devices to keep track of things for you. I suppose if Sherlock Holmes' theory of mind is right, that means we should be able to fill up our minds with deeper thoughts:

    "It's true we don't remember anything anymore, but we don't need to," said [Jeff] Hawkins, the co-founder of Palm Computing and author of a book called "On Intelligence."

    "We might one day sit around and reminisce about having to remember phone numbers, but it's not a bad thing. It frees us up to think about other things. The brain has a limited capacity, if you give it high-level tools, it will work on high-level problems," he said.

    Of course, this presupposes that the brain isn't full of cognitive adaptations that now lie fallow and useless in today's high-tech world. Or get filled with videogames and movies. I guess these fall under the Everything Bad Is Good for You theory.

    I wonder what you would call a specialized cognitive adaptation that could be readily reprogrammed in different cultures for different purposes?

  • Will Mozart make you smarter?

    Fri, 2005-09-02 23:17 -- John Hawks

    As the new semester gets underway, it's a good time to think of ways to improve all those assignments I will soon be reading. Few are as pain-free as listening to some old-school music. As in classical music.

    As most people know, listening to Mozart will make you smarter. At least, that was the theme of the book The Mozart Effect, loosely based (very loosely) on work in the early 1990's that found that people did better on a spatial IQ test after listening to Mozart, as compared to listening to a relaxation tape.

    Dave Munger at Cognitive Daily has been reviewing how the Mozart Effect has fared in the recent psychology literature (via Keats' Telescope). This post reviews a 2002 study that challenges the idea. That paper, McKelvie and Low (2002), shows no effect at all from listing to Mozart:

    So in their task, McKelvie and Low used repetitive dance music by the group Aqua to compare to Mozart.

    Students were divided into two groups -- one which listened to Aqua first, and the other which listened to Mozart first. After listening to an 8-minute musical excerpt, students were tested on spatial ability. Then they listened to the other excerpt and took a different version of the same test. The result: no significant difference for any of the music. All the test scores were statistically the same. There wasn't even a trend for Mozart.

    This about sums it up:

    If contrasting music doesn't result in lower IQ scores, then we're really not talking about Mozart enhancing spatial IQ scores, we're talking about verbal relaxation tapes inhibiting them.

    Of course, that may explain Deepak Chopra as well...

    But one later paper, reviewed in this later post, tends to support some kind of positive effect of classical music on performance, although pointedly not limited to Mozart.

    Ivanov and Geake offer some interesting guesses as to why the music improves performance. They point to Rausher's argument that cognitive processing levels remain essentially the same while listening to Mozart's music. They also suspect that music may help to mask the otherwise distracting background noise that is present in nearly all "silent" classrooms.

    Munger also reviews a second paper with equivocal results: it doesn't support a Mozart-specific increase, but it may be consistent with a music-related increase in performance.

    As for myself, I wonder if this is related to the "mariachi effect" -- you know, how they play fast music in restaurants to make you eat faster.

    References:

    McKelvie P, Low J. 2002. Listening to Mozart does not improve children's spatial ability: Final curtains for the Mozart effect. Br J Devel Psych 20: 241-258.

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Neandertals

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Denisova

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The advent of agriculture caused natural selection to speed up greatly in humans. We're uncovering some of the ways that populations have rapidly changed during the last 10,000 years.

Malapa

Just outside Johannesburg, the Malapa site is producing some of the most exciting finds in human evolution. This site is the headquarters of the Malapa Soft Tissue Project.