john hawks weblog

paleoanthropology, genetics and evolution

Pliocene

  • Carnivores and early Homo

    Tue, 2012-04-24 10:27 -- John Hawks

    Ann Gibbons reports on a recent conference investigating the interaction of climate change and Plio-Pleistocene human evolution "Where's the beef? Early humans took it." I like her description of Lars Werdelin's work:

    After comparing fossils of 78 species of carnivores that lived during five different periods of time between 3.5 million years ago (when large carnivores were at their peak) and 1.5 million years ago, Werdelin found that all but six of 29 species of large carnivores (animals that weighed more than 21.5 kilos) had gone extinct in that time. Moreover, the mass extinction began just before H. erectus appeared in the fossil record 1.9 million years ago. He also found that the community of carnivores alive 2.5 million to 2 million years ago ate a much broader range of food—with species within a community filling a wider range of dietary niches. By 1.5 million years ago, just hypercarnivores that ate only meat, such as lions and leopards, had survived while omnivores that scavenged and ate a wider range of foods, like civets, had disappeared. "Even I was surprised by the dramatic drop," Werdelin says.

    It will be interesting to see more details of this work as it is published. The picture described here seems fairly different from Werdelin's 2005 paper with Margaret Lewis [1], in which they concluded there was no evidence of a turnover pulse of carnivore species between 3 million and 2 million years ago. In that paper, they did note that the present carnivore community is dominated by species that have no Pliocene record in Africa. It's not clear how much of this turnover resulted from dispersals of carnivores into Africa from Eurasia, and how much was in situ origins of new genera. That paper was focused on the role of herbivore species turnover on the carnivore community, showing that the two records do not match each other.

    With the present focus on hominins as potential competitors, maybe the expansion in scope to a greater number of omnivores made the difference to the analysis. On the other hand, it's hard to see how recent carnivores can be purer meat-eaters than extinct sabretooths like Megantereon. Lewis and Werdelin's 2007 book chapter [2] (in a Springer volume with no access for me, naturally) does link the origin of Homo erectus 1.8 million years ago to carnivore turnover.

    While the appearance of stone tools at 2.6 Ma has no apparent effect upon carnivorans, the appearance of Homo ergaster after 1.8 Ma may have been at least partly responsible for the decrease in the carnivoran origination rate and the increase in the extinction rate at this time. The behavior of H. ergaster, climate change, and concomitant changes in prey species richness may have caused carnivoran species richness to drop precipitously after 1.5 Ma. In this situation, even effective kleptoparasitism by H. ergaster may have been enough to drive local populations of carnivorans that overlapped with hominins in dietary resources to extinction. Possibly as a result, the modern guild, which evolved within the last few hundred thousand years, is composed primarily of generalists.

    We should probably add to the picture the evidence for dispersal into and out of Africa, which is unclear at the moment for carnivores [3]. If humans had an important effect on the carnivore guild, we should expect codispersal of some carnivore genera with humans in the Early Pleistocene. It's possible that such codispersal did occur into Eurasia, but first appearance dates are not the greatest evidence to build such a hypothesis.

    On that note, there are some incredible carnivore materials from Malapa that may really add to the picture of carnivore-hominin relations. The first of these were published last fall by Brian Kuhn and colleagues, including Werdelin [4]. It will be exciting to see more of this work come out, as I'm sure that the preservation of a wide array of carnivore materials is really shifting how we can think about the relative diets and ecological roles of these species. It's another case where paleontologists can now leverage the vast record of time covered in East Africa by applying the detailed information from the exceptionally preserved Malapa deposit.

    UPDATE (2012-04-25): Adam Van Arsdale writes that Dmanisi provides even more evidence about carnivore-human interactions: "Early Homo and the carnivore guild".

    The Dmanisi fauna in general, including the carnivores, are only just beginning to be more widely published. A 2011 paper by Hemmer and colleagues discusses a possible large cheetah-like carnivore found at the site. This 2010 paper by Sotnikova and Rook looks at Canid evolution in Eurasia more broadly, but discusses the abundant Canid material from Dmanisi in some depth.

    Kate Wong gives some more information about Werdelin's presentation: "Rise of Humans 2 Million Years Ago Doomed Large Carnivores".


    References

    1. Werdelin L, Lewis ME. Plio-Pleistocene Carnivora of eastern Africa: species richness and turnover patterns. Zoological Journal of the Linnean Society. 2005;144(2):121 - 144.
    2. Lewis ME, Werdelin L. Patterns of Change in the Plio-Pleistocene Carnivorans of Eastern Africa: Implications for Hominin Evolution. In: Bobe R, Alemseged Z, Behrensmeyer AK Hominin Environments in the East African Pliocene: An Assessment of the Faunal Evidence. Hominin Environments in the East African Pliocene: An Assessment of the Faunal Evidence. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands; 2007. pp. 77 - 105.
    3. O'Regan HJ, Turner A, Bishop LC, Elton S, Lamb AL. Hominins without fellow travellers? First appearances and inferred dispersals of Afro-Eurasian large-mammals in the Plio-Pleistocene. Quaternary Science Reviews. 2011;30(11-12):1343 - 1352.
    4. Kuhn BF, Werdelin L, Hartstone-Rose A, Lacruz RS, Berger LR. Carnivoran remains from the Malapa hominin site, South Africa. PloS one. 2011;6(11):e26940.
  • Announcing the Malapa Soft Tissue Project

    Sat, 2011-09-03 17:34 -- John Hawks

    I am pleased to announce a new open science initiative, focused on a discovery that is unique in paleoanthropology. Together we are going to find out if the Malapa site has preserved evidence of soft tissue from an ancient hominin species.

    If you've arrived at this page from outside the site, here's a link to the main project headquarters.

    In the August, 2011 issue, National Geographic reported on the Malapa fossils, including a teaser that the site may preserve skin from two hominin individuals. (I pointed to the article last month.)

    The suggestion is obviously surprising. Many readers will remember how much controversy surrounded claims about soft tissue preservation from dinosaurs several years ago. Yet extraordinary preservation contexts do exist in the fossil record. Indeed, a few years ago Lee Berger's team, including several of the people now working on the Malapa hominins, identified hair preserved inside hyena coprolites from Gladysvale cave, more than 200,000 years old and only a short distance from Malapa [1].

    Could Malapa present the first evidence of soft tissue from a fossil hominin? If so, what can it tell us about human evolution?

    The day the National Geographic article was published online, I was standing with Lee in his lab looking at what might be australopithecine skin. I'm not talking about an imprint of skin, like a skin cast. These appear to be thinly layered, possibly mineralized tissue.

    Suppose it's really skin, or some other soft tissue, I thought. How would you go about testing the hypothesis? Extraordinary claims require extraordinary evidence. Even if you could demonstrate it to your own satisfaction, what would it take to convince the doubters? How many distinct observations would be possible from these objects? What instruments would you use, and what comparative samples would you need?

    Lee said this was his problem as well. He has access to some of the most sophisticated technology in the world. Some kinds of observations are obvious. He can micro-CT the apparent soft tissue evidence, look within the rock at its structure. He can sample the chemical content, and use scanning and confocal microscopes to examine it. He could sacrifice a small sample to be microscopically dissected. At the end, he would have an answer involving all these comparisons. But would it be convincing?

    Lee then made an inspired proposal: What if the process itself were an experiment?

    Much of the criticism of other surprising fossil discoveries has been fueled by their secrecy. Science done by a closed process means fewer eyes looking at data, and too many chances for errors to pass unnoticed. Unnoticed, that is, until publication. Then, a firestorm of controversy may erupt as the scientific community at last examines the methods and results closely. In anthropology, the most critical errors are often missed comparisons -- sometimes simple things that a research team could have looked at, if they had only thought of it.

    An open process has the chance of improving research by broadening it. We want stronger, clearer results, and we want to anticipate every important criticism. If a significant comparison can be added by people who have the right tools, why not get those people involved? If we stand a chance of finding those people by making the process more open, why not do it?

    Lee suggested that this soft tissue evidence could be the basis of a true experiment in whether paleoanthropology could be done as open science. I've been agitating about open science for years, and I volunteered right away to host the experiment and work to make it a success. We went immediately to Rachelle Keeling, the graduate student who will be coordinating the project, and described how we thought it could work. She was enthusiastic about the idea of a truly new kind of scientific project, one that had the potential to involve so many people in the process of discovery.

    And so, after a month of putting things into order, here we are. How can you participate in the project, or at least follow its progress?

    I have set up a home page for the project, here as a special category page on the blog. This page is the online headquarters of the work, and includes a feed that will have all project updates. As the project proceeds, it will generate suggestions, results, and press. I'll be tracking all of these and updating as we learn more.

    The project has an official e-mail address hosted here: skin@johnhawks.net. We want to hear from anyone with the expertise or ideas to solve this problem. Rachelle and I will be reading through the e-mails, discussing them with other project members, and following up on them.

    We don't know what to expect but I hope we get hundreds of responses. We can't promise replies to anyone, but everyone will receive an automatic acknowledgement that we've received their messages, and we will follow up personally with those that have suggestions or proposals we can take action on. We're going to ask people to participate in the project, perform research, and coauthor the scientific work: this is real open science.

    Members of the Malapa team are biologists who know comparative skin and hair biology. I'll be posting quite a lot about these biological topics for people following the project.

    We know that there are many researchers who have been working with methods that would be useful on these unique samples of possible soft tissue. People working with the trace chemistry of organic compounds in mineral samples, people working with the microscopic structure of other ancient soft tissue samples, people who study preservation of organic materials in forensic contexts. There are many others that I don't even know I should be listing.

    If you know a person with the right expertise to help, please share this information and encourage her to write.

    Most important to the success of the project is showing that we can produce top quality science by this open process. That means we need journals to acknowledge the value of open science instead of penalizing it for not being secret and embargoed. If you're a journal editor reading this, I'm calling you out. And if you're a reviewer or editorial board member, you can support this project and encourage more like it by encouraging the submission of open manuscripts.

    And if you don't have a suggestion right now, keep watching. This project will develop and I expect it to become more interesting as it becomes broader. I can't predict how it will end, and that's pretty exciting!


    References

    Synopsis: 
    I announce and describe a project to study possible soft tissue evidence from a 2-million-year-old fossil hominin site.
  • The Malapa Soft Tissue Project FAQ

    Sat, 2011-09-03 17:07 -- John Hawks

    These are a few of the questions that I think are essential to understand our aims with the project and how we expect it will unfold. The future depends on what we hear from people with their ideas about how to analyze this unique evidence. I'll be updating this FAQ as we learn more about the samples. This is an open science project, and we'll be reporting on some results as they occur. But it all depends on people's participation.

    If you've arrived at this page from outside the site, here's a link to the main project headquarters.

    How did the project come about?

    When I was in South Africa in July, Lee Berger gave me an extraordinary overview of the discoveries from the new Malapa site. Embedded in the breccia that surrounded the cranial remains of MH1 and MH 2 are some relatively small, thin layers that visually appear to be organic (relative to the surrounding matrix). Under a light microscope look like they could be mineralized or preserved soft tissue. They do not appear to be skin impressions within the matrix, they appear to be thin layers that are a different substance from the surrounding matrix.

    Naturally these are incredibly interesting. But it is not obvious what will be the best way to establish what they are, and what we can learn from them.

    Lee suggested that this would be an ideal test case to see if open science can help solve a problem in paleoanthropology. We want to reach the people with the best ideas and ability to test hypotheses about these objects, and we don't know in advance where the answers will come from. That's the nature of the project: finding the right people and making the science happen.

    What do we want people to do?

    We want the best suggestions about how to evaluate this unique evidence and how it can test hypotheses about human evolution. We're reading all the suggestions sent to skin@johnhawks.net.

    We're especially keen to make contact with people who have the ability to make their suggestions happen. Some people out there have the knowledge to apply highly specialized analytical methods to samples like this. We want people like that to get involved with this project.

    Some people out there may have comparative samples that will be key to interpreting this evidence. How can tissue be preserved in a context where breccia is forming? Was there natural mummification or some kind of anoxic environment? To answer those questions, we need people who study the response of tissue to those contexts and who know the right samples to examine.

    Berger's team working on the Malapa hominins have access to much of the best technology. Micro-CT, microscopy, virtual dissection, chemical analysis, any of these things and more can be brought to bear.

    There's a lot more to this project than simply verifying (or refuting) that this stuff is soft tissue evidence. We need to know how it formed. If it's not soft tissue, we want to identify what it is, because there will almost certainly be more of it as the site is excavated and more specimens are prepared. If it is soft tissue, we need to know how it may have been changed as it was preserved, whether through drying, soaking in anoxic conditions, mineralization, or some combination of processes.

    We think the process of finding this out is even more exciting than knowing the result. We hope many of you see it the same way.

    If you write to us, you can expect that we may make your suggestion part of the website. This is an open project, and while we will be posting selectively, we will be sharing information as it progresses.

    Why would somebody want to participate in an open science project like this?

    We want to do the science right. We hope many people out there share this goal. It's a tremendous chance for people who don't normally operate within paleoanthropology to help us discover something fundamentally new about our evolution.

    People who perform analyses or contribute samples as part of this project happen will be full participants in the science and coauthors of any resulting publications. We want people to work together on this, and we think the best science will result from bringing together the best ideas and comparisons.

    How will the project work?

    That depends on what great ideas we hear from people. Lee's team will be carrying out analyses on these samples.

    Rachelle Keeling is coordinating the study, doing the research on what should be done, and what it will tell us about the samples. She and I will be reviewing the e-mails that the project receives, and will try to determine which approaches are feasible, and which order they should be carried out.

    As you send in ideas about what should be done, the more detail you can include about the analytical methods you can provide, the better. How much material (if any) does the method require? What hypotheses can the method test, or what information can it provide about the samples? How much time and preparation is required?

    If you have comparative samples that may be useful, what kinds of observations can you make on them? Can you point to references that have also used these samples?

    In other words, we want a bit of a plan if you can provide it. If you need more information from us to see if it's feasible, let us know -- we may be able to answer it, or have some team members carry out steps in advance.

    The project will be carried out over the next year, so the sooner we hear from you, the better!

    What is the Malapa site?

    Malapa is a cave site outside Johannesburg, South Africa, in the area where many other sites preserving remains of early hominins have been found. I have a Malapa page that gives a short introduction and links to many stories here about the fossils found at the site. I visited the site in July, 2011, and posted a narrative of the visit ("A visit to Malapa") that gives a good overview and several photos of the general area.

    Two of the most complete hominin skeletons ever described, both dating to 2 million years ago, have been discovered and described at the site. The site additionally includes further fossil materials that are still undergoing preparation and study. It is one of the most important fossil discoveries ever made in paleoanthropology, and will continue to produce new evidence about our origins for many years to come.

    How was the possible soft tissue evidence discovered?

    So far, the team at Wits has been working on breccia blocks recovered from the surface at Malapa. There has been no excavation yet at the site. The possible soft tissue evidence was discovered during the course of scanning and preparing these breccia blocks.

    The blocks are packed with bones. Many recognizable bones jut from the surfaces of the breccia, from antelopes, carnivores, small baboons and hominins. In several cases, hominin bones were recognizable at the surface, and these blocks were CT-scanned very early in the process of study and preparation. Scanning gives the preparators knowledge of what lies beneath their drill bits. In some cases, the best course of action is to leave the bones embedded within the breccia matrix, for further study by micro-CT.

    CT scan of Malapa MH1 cranium

    Initial CT scan of the MH1 cranium embedded in matrix block.

    In the initial CT-scanning of the MH1 cranium, team members noticed an area where the matrix surrounding the skull appeared irregular. As they prepared this out, it became clear that the breccia itself had pulled away from the cranium across a small region, and the breccia had a thin layer of material at its surface there. This is not the outer table of the bone (which is intact in the corresponding area), nor is it apparently an impression of the bone.

    Malapa MH1 breccia block with possible soft tissue

    Photo of breccia block including MH1 cervical vertebra (top). The smooth area, center, is a thin layer of candidate soft tissue on the surface the breccia.

    An additional section of possible soft tissue emerged as the female MH 2 mandible was prepared.

    Upon magnification, these pieces do appear to have a structure. As yet, no dissection or further sampling has been attempted. The team has no committed opinion about what these represent or how they were formed, other than that they do not appear to be simple impressions in the surface of the breccia. Disproving that they represent soft tissue may be just as interesting as demonstrating it, because either way we will discover important facts about the preservation and formation processes of this unique site.

    How could soft tissue possibly be preserved from 2 million years ago?

    Like other South African cave sites, the Malapa fossil hominins were preserved within a breccia, a cemented stone material packed with fossils, rock fragments, and other material. The Malapa breccia represents a remarkable snapshot of time, when hominins and other animals fell into a "death trap" and their complete skeletons were preserved.

    It is clear that Malapa preserves an extraordinary density of hominin remains, with nearly complete skeletons and articulated parts. These skeletons do not appear to have been disturbed after the bodies entered the site. Some plant and insect remains are preserved in the breccia as well.

    Beyond this, any explanation so far is speculative. If there was water in the site, which seems likely, it may have included an anoxic layer that preserved some of this material. A major goal of the project will be testing different hypotheses about the preservation environment of these fossils, to try to explain what these substances may be.

    Are you telling us everything?

    :)

    Synopsis: 
    The Malapa Soft Tissue Project is an experiment in open science, trying to uncover new facts about a unique discovery.
  • Cutmarked bones from Dikika critiqued

    Wed, 2010-11-17 00:18 -- John Hawks

    Manuel Dominguez-Rodrigo, writing with my University of Wisconsin colleagues Travis Pickering and Henry Bunn, has challenged the interpretation that two bovid bones from Dikika bear cutmarks made by hominins [1]. I wrote about the Dikika cutmark claims earlier this year (Australopithecus afarensis used stone tools). The new paper is a strong critique of that earlier work.

    Our taphonomic configurational approach to assess the claims of A. afarensis butchery at Dikika suggests the claims of unexpectedly early butchering at the site are not warranted. The Dikika research group focused its analysis on the morphology of the marks in question but failed to demonstrate, through recovery of similarly marked in situ fossils, the exact provenience of the pub- lished fossils, and failed to note occurrences of random striae on the cortices of the published fossils (incurred through incidental move- ment of the defleshed specimens across and/or within their abrasive encasing sediments). The occurrence of such random striae (some- times called collectively “trampling” damage) on the two fossils provide the configurational context for rejection of the claimed butchery marks. The earliest best evidence for hominin butchery thus remains at 2.6 to 2.5 Ma, presumably associated with more derived species than A. afarensis.

    These authors are experts on cutmarks, both from their work on Oldowan faunal assemblages and from experimental work where they have controlled the actual circumstances of cutmarking, trampling and weathering. Their critique of the two Dikika bones takes two main paths:

    1. The surfaces of the bones themselves are relatively poorly preserved, with evidence of "trampling" modification and subadult status for one specimen and evidence of "moderate weathering" on the other. The matrix containing the bones was highly abrasive, making spurious marks more likely. This would make it difficult to get clear results even in an experimental context.

    2. The purported cutmarks themselves are similar to marks that occur in bones subject to trampling damage. Dominguez-Rodrigo and colleagues argue that some of these marks are more diagnostic of trampling than of cutting or hammerstone damage.

    The authors do not say they have disproven the hypothesis that A. afarensis cut on these bones with naturally-occurring stones, but they clearly question whether such a hypothesis is credible:

    The Dikika “butchery mark” evidence does not, however, withstand peer scrutiny undertaken from an actualistic perspective and with a configurational approach. Our approach in assessing the Dikika claims was intentionally conservative: the claims are extraordinary because of their singularity and because of the inferred age of the fossils. Thus, natural processes of bone modification need to be eliminated before precluding nonanthropogenic origin(s) for the surficial marks on DIK-55–2 and DIK-55–3. High probability trampling damage on both specimens does not allow for this elimination and, again, taking our contextualized, maximally conservative position, forces us to reject even marks A1 and A2, the two morphologically strongest claims of cutmarks on DIK-55–2.

    Their discussion emphasizes that, in their view, a hypothesis that an unusual tool type was responsible for cutmarks should be accompanied by experimental or actualistic evidence concerning the effects of that tool type. I think that for discoveries as potentially important as this, it is very reasonable for reviewers to expect such evidence will be provided. Also, a full statistical workup of other faunal bones from the site would be worthwhile. If the matrix really is abrasive and readily gives rise to trampling scratches, these should be evident in a wider distribution of bone from the site.

    But for the moment, it looks like we should continue to treat cautiously claims of very early stone tool use. Possibly further comparisons will back up the hypothesis of cutmarks with more evidence. Since it took only three months from the initial publication of the Dikika evidence to this response, maybe we won't have to wait long for more comparisons!


    References

    1. Dominguez-Rodrigo M, Pickering TR, Bunn HT. Configurational approach to identifying the earliest hominin butchers. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences [Internet]. 2010;107:20929–20934. Available from: http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1013711107
    Synopsis: 
    The claim of stone tool use by A. africanus comes under fire.
  • Australopithecus afarensis used stone tools

    Wed, 2010-08-11 15:13 -- John Hawks

    UPDATE (2011-09-06) Note: The conclusions of the research were later critiqued, I posted on that criticism after this post.

    Shannon McPherron, Zeresenay Alemseged and colleagues working at the Dikika field site in Ethiopia have found evidence of stone tool use 3.39 million years ago [1]. That's 800,000 years earlier than the previous first-known tool use, and occurs during the existence of Australopithecus afarensis.

    The evidence is a series of cutmarks and one percussion mark on two bovid bones. One is a piece of rib from a large "cow-sized" animal, the other a femur fragment from a smaller "goat-sized" bovid. The analysis goes through several microscopic comparisons to rule out alternative causes for the cutmarks, such as trampling. The key paragraph of the results:

    The cut marks demonstrate hominin use of sharp-edged stone to remove flesh from the femur and rib. The location and density of the marks on the femur indicate that flesh was rather widely spread on the surface, although it is possible that there could have been isolated patches of flesh. The percussion marks on the femur demonstrate hominin use of a blunt stone to strike the bone, probably to gain access to the marrow. The external surfaces of ribs have thin sheaths of flesh, so the scraping marks on the fossil rib suggest stripping off of these sheaths.

    I have some lingering doubts, none of which are very serious, but that point out the need to look harder at other sites. It sure would have been nice if they'd found an anomalous sharp-edged rock nearby.

    The two bones are compelling, but the study does not give much indication of how representative they are. How many similar-sized bone fragments were left at the site? How many were collected? What fraction of "cutmarked" bones does that make? What fraction show signs of trampling and various kinds of post-depositional damage?

    Those questions are essential to answer the "green car" problem. If you don't know this one, it's fairly simple -- a witness reports a green car leaving the scene, and green cars are very rare -- the police think this is a great lead. But blue cars are very common in the city, and there is a small chance that the witness mistook a blue one for a green one. Whether it actually was a green car depends on the actual proportion of green to blue cars, and the actual probability that the witness was wrong.

    In this case, I think there is a very small chance that the marks on these bones could have been produced by processes other than deliberate cutting by a stone tool. But in a sample of hundreds or thousands of bone fragments, a small chance might well happen a couple of times. It's very difficult to quantify this, because archaeologists don't collect every bone fragment. The only real way to address the problem is to find more cutmarks and do other statistics on them -- do they occur where flesh is attached to bone, etc.

    It does seem odd that nobody's identified clear stone tools, which are in later sites a lot more common than cutmarked bones. A tool-user will make many artifacts during her life. (Why "her"? Well, in chimpanzees, it's the females who dominate technology transmission...) We have a lot of australopithecine bones. If this was a long-lasting tradition, we should have found a lot of stone tools by now.

    Maybe it wasn't a long-lasting tradition. Chimpanzee technology is significantly clustered geographically, some of the most interesting behaviors have been observed only at a single field site. If Australopithecus had a similar pattern of cultural diversity, tool use may have been innovated many times without "catching on" over a wide geographic or temporal extent. Here's what McPherron and colleagues conclude along similar lines:

    Whether A. afarensis also produced stone tools remains to be demonstrated, but the DIK-55 finds may fit with the view that stone tool production pre-dates the earliest known archaeological sites and was initially of low intensity (one-to-a-few flakes removed per nodule) and distributed in extremely low density scatters across the landscape such that its archaeological visibility is quite low (16).

    Or maybe we just haven't noticed. Fluvial contexts may have been bad places for Australopithecus to hang out. McPherron and colleagues allude to this explanation for the local absence of tools at Dikika:

    However, stone tool production and consequently archaeological accumulations are not expected at this locality given the sedimentary environment characterized by the palaeo-Awash River emptying into a nearby lake (3, 4). In this relatively low-energy depositional environment, clasts suitable for stone tool production are not present (few particles larger than fine gravel, 8 mm diameter). Within the exposed SH Member, the distance from DIK-55 to cobble-sized raw materials (>64 mm) is ~6 km (at Gorgore; Fig. 1). Thus, in this instance the absence of evidence for stone tool production in the immediate vicinity of the cut-marked bones may reflect landscape-level raw material constraints.

    The research article is accompanied by an essay by David Braun reviewing the find [2]. He stretches a bit, but I think the interpretations he suggests are worth airing. One -- why are there cutmarked bones 6 km from any good source of stone raw material?

    The meat and marrow of large animals must have been a valued resource, because McPherron et al. conclude that the tool users incurred the cost of transporting stones 6 kilometres from where they occurred naturally to the site where the butchery took place. Further costs that were associated with the consumption of carrion, and were apparently worth the risk, include exposure to parasites and competition with large carnivores.

    Two -- what about the "meat-brain" connection?

    This provides exciting evidence of how A. afarensis behaved. At one time, the species was considered to be a relatively primitive hominin, but this perception is being redefined. For example, it now seems that Lucy's kin had body proportions that were more similar to those of humans than of apes (6). Analyses of the hand of A. afarensis show that it had relatively short fingers that would allow the kind of fine-scale manipulation necessary for tool use (7). A recently discovered skeleton from the Woranso–Mille area of Ethiopia suggests that A. afarensis did not have the ape-like, 'funnel-shaped' thorax usually associated with a large digestive tract and low-quality diet (8). Perhaps the findings that these hominins used tools and had a carnivorous component to their diet should not have been so unexpected.

    A 2.6-million-year-old butchery tradition should already have refuted the hypothesis that meat-eating caused the expansion of brain size in Homo. But it was still possible to maintain that the initial Oldowan was insufficiently dedicated, or that the anatomical specializations (e.g., small guts) allowing brain expansion took time to develop, or that as-yet-undiscovered large-brained hominins would be found. Any of these are still possible, but the observations Braun points out pretty much demolish the 15-year-old story of "expensive tissue." Australopithecus seems to have had a small gut, and a bigger brain than chimpanzees. If there was a tradeoff, A. afarensis had already made it.

    Braun didn't mention A. sediba, which adds another wrinkle. A late species of Australopithecus with human-sized teeth. Or (as some prefer), a pre-habilis species of Homo with an Australopithecus-sized brain. What was its diet like? I have a feeling we'll know before too long.

    Meanwhile, I'll be floating for the rest of the year, since I included this as the far-out "bonus" entry in my 2010 New Year predictions! You know, the one that's so bizarre that it seems like it'll never happen. Heh.

    UPDATE (2010-08-11): John Noble Wilford got ahold of some skeptics for his NY Times story on the discovery:

    Still, the discoverers are already being pressed to defend their interpretation that the cut marks on the bones are evidence of stone-tool butchery. Tim D. White of the University of California, Berkeley, one of the foremost investigators of early human origins, said flatly that their “claims greatly outstrip the evidence,” and noted, “We have been working sites in this area for 40 years, and not a single stone tool has been found in deposits of this antiquity.”

    Sileshi Semaw, a paleoanthropologist at Indiana University who was a discoverer of the oldest confirmed stone tools, from 2.6 million years ago, noted in an e-mail message from Ethiopia that researchers had often been misled by bone markings left by trampling animals and other natural causes. “I am not convinced of the new discovery,” he said.

    UPDATE (2010-08-12): Maybe some are looking for more about australopithecine diets. My post from 2005, "Chemistry and early hominid diets" has a good compilation of stable isotope observations and what may explain them. With the cutmark evidence, you can read through the discussion of C4 plant contributions, and think about the grazers that A. africanus may have been eating.

    UPDATE (2010-08-16): Science Friday with Ira Flatow covered this story last week, including commentary by Alemseged and David DeGusta, who suggests that the marks may be crocodile bite marks. Doesn't look like it to me, but as I wrote above, I'd like to see statistics on a few hundred damaged bones to see the probability that an arbitrary one will look like stone cutmarks.


    References

    Synopsis: 
    A report finds cutmarks on fauna from Dikika, Ethiopia, 3.4 million years ago.
  • Fishy story from Koobi Fora

    Sun, 2010-06-13 08:30 -- John Hawks

    I have to credit a reader for that headline, and for forwarding the paper. It's another case of the infamous PNAS release policy. The press that came from the paper's announcement preceded the paper's availability in this case by a week. That approaches the case where a Hollywood studio won't screen a movie for reviewers before it's released. That means no reviews, which in the case of movies can only mean one thing. It's bad.

    Scientific papers fortunately don't suffer from this shortfall -- the quality of the paper seems more or less unrelated to the release policy of the journal. In this case, the press went with a story that is interesting, but not necessarily that important in the scheme of things. And I don't get to write about it until two weeks after the news stories hit the presses.

    David Braun and colleagues report on the fauna at locality FwJj20 of Koobi Fora, Kenya [1]. The archaeological remains here, including stone tools and fauna, date back to 1.95 million years. It's an interesting time because of what may have been going on with hominin anatomical evolution, but does it represent anything new in behavioral evolution?

    The authors point out that there are archaeological sites that are much older, going back to 2.6 million years. Some of those earlier localities -- notably, the earliest, Gona OGS 6 and OGS 7 localities -- have hundreds of stone artifacts combined with fauna and hominin-modified bones. FwJj20 stands out in combining a very large number of stone artifacts (2633) with a high proportion of hominin-modified bones (5.9 percent of 405 faunal specimens). Even in later deposits such as Olduvai Gorge that have a high number of localities with some stone tools, it is rare to find localities with evidence of butchery of many animals. Those are the kinds of archaeological debris that would be expected of a real focus of hominin behavior. So every additional site like this adds substantially to our knowledge of hominin behavior at the dawn of hunting and gathering.

    Here, one interesting aspect of the faunal exploitation is the small amount of surface modification consistent with bone-smashing. The authors suggest that the site had little marrow extraction than expected based on experimental replication of butchery. There is very little evidence for carnivore activity at the site, and both bones and faunal remains are clustered within a small vertical horizon of around 6 inches in thickness. The presence of small flakes and bone fragments helps to substantiate that the site did not accumulate under the influence of high-velocity water flow, and that it represents a primary activity locus for the hominins who left the tools there.

    The faunal assemblage is interesting for the relatively high proportion of aquatic animals preserved, including both turtle and crocodile bone specimens with cut marks, and some fish bones. This is the part of the paper emphasized in the press that described the site, and the paper gives a good summary of the aquatic proportion of the fauna, including the evidence that the animals were actually butchered by the hominins.

    The skeletal representation of fish bones [over-abundance of cranial fragments: 64% of fish NISP (28)] and turtle/tortoise bones [over-abundance of carapace and plastron fragments: 90% of turtle/tortoise NISP (29)] corresponds to ethnographic and archaeological distributions associated with hominin foraging. The number and taxonomic diversity of hominin-modified bones imply that hominins used the FwJj20 locality for the acquisition of meat from several different carcasses of terrestrial and aquatic animals as well as marrow from mammalian bones. This provides strong evidence of a diverse animal component in the diets of hominins before the appearance of H. ergaster/erectus (Braun et al. 2010:10004).

    But....I think that the relevance of the aquatic animals has been exaggerated. According to the MNI (minimum number of individuals) table in the paper, the turtle and crocodile bones may represent one single turtle and one crocodile. The number of fish bones is also very small -- only 15 total, and the authors do not provide an MNI for fish. Compare these small numbers to a minimum of 11 hippopotamus individuals represented by in situ bone elements, and 17 bovids. One turtle. Seventeen bovids.

    MNI is not the best indicator of dietary importance -- for mammals, it is heavily influenced by mandibles and teeth. Humans may drag mandibles back to a central place as part of the head, even if they eat the rest of the animal elsewhere. Being highly diagnostic, we can work out easily when there were lots of individuals from a mandible -- not so for broken turtle carapace pieces. But it's not very meaningful to count every crocodile bone, either. The site really does not provide any evidence that reptiles and fish simply made up a large fraction of the meat consumed there.

    From my perspective, I think that's just fine. Aquatic animals aren't important because of their sheer numbers, but because they tell us about the flexibility of foraging behavior. Living hunter-gatherers eat turtles and reptiles when they can, and because they are usually small food packages, they often eat them where they find them instead of returning to a base camp first. Hunter-gatherers are flexible in what they eat and where they eat it. FwJj20 is showing at least a substantial taxonomic flexibility in the meat-eating of early Oldowan hunters.

    Croc, turtle and fish remains also document that the Oldowan-makers were actively foraging in and around river or lake margins. That may not be earth-shaking, since we are, after all, talking about a water-dependent primate in a hot climate. But sometimes the importance of an archaeological discovery is that it strikes a "couldn't have done it" from the record.

    Still, this really isn't a case where anybody could credibly maintain that early hominins were excluded from foraging on lake or river margins. Just last year I discussed two archaeological sites that give evidence for human exploitation of aquatic resources in the Early and Middle Pleistocene. At Trinil, Java, it seems clear that people were exploiting molluscs ("The shells of Trinil"), and the somewhat later Gesher Benot Ya'aqov site in Israel has evidence of systematic fish and crab exploitation ("The fishy spaces of the Middle Pleistocene"). The possible exploitation of papyrus by A. boisei also would show a mastery of shoreline habitats by hominins. It's hard to argue that the threat of the water was lower for robust australopithecines than for Homo.

    Finding such repeated evidence of aquatic resource use, extending back near the dawn of stone tool manufacture, ought to prove one thing: The fatty acids in aquatic meat were not the cause of the expansion of brain size in Homo erectus.

    Oh, I know, the news stories all said exactly the opposite, claiming that the fatty acids were essential to brain growth, and that this shows that stone tools were important to getting this essential nutrient. Hey, Braun and colleagues started it -- they wrote it right in the last sentences of the paper:

    In addition, although animal tissues provide nutrient-rich fuel for a growing brain, aquatic resources (e.g., fish, crocodiles, turtles) are especially rich sources of the long-chain polyunsaturated fatty acids and docosahexaenoic acid that are so critical to human brain growth (2). Therefore, the incorporation of diverse animals, especially those in the lacustrine food chain, provided critical nutritional components to the diets of hominins before the appearance of H. ergaster/erectus that could have fueled the evolution of larger brains in late Pliocene hominins (Braun et al. 2010:10005).

    But "fueled" is a metaphor, not a valid evolutionary concept.

    I accept that reptile and fish meat may be nutritionally desirable. The question is whether they caused the increase in brain size associated with Homo. One way to read that hypothesis is as Lamarckism, which is simply wrong (Larry Moran has commented on that topic). I don't think that any paleoanthropologists are seriously Lamarckist, but some need to be more careful how they describe the relationship of fitness and diet.

    Let me construct a version of the hypothesis consistent with evolutionary biology. Suppose that other factors -- social competition, technological requirements -- induced selection for cognitive skills in early Homo. The response of the population to this selection may have been impeded by selection in favor of smaller brains and/or shorter life histories. That is to say, directional selection on cognition may have been impossible because of stabilizing selection on brain growth. Now diet changes might become relevant, by relaxing the stabilizing selection on brain growth. This scenario might predict an increase in the size of the brain when people began to consistently supply themselves or their children with the right nutrition.

    Understand that I don't subscribe to this hypothesis. We have much to learn about what the "right" nutrition might be.

    But the hypothesis is testable. The archaeology now suggests that significant meat consumption preceded the expansion of the brain by a half million years or more, and that fish and reptile meat made up a hunter-gatherer-like part of early hominin meat consumption from the start.

    Now it could be that later increases in diet quality -- for example, by increasing the total amount of meat, or decreasing nutritional unpredictability -- are what actually caused (or allowed directional selection on) the increase in brain size. That change would be a different hypothesis, however -- the hypothesis that selection against larger brains was relaxed by behavioral innovation. Fish fat could be a correlate of behavioral change in this hypothesiss, but it would not be the cause.


    References

    1. Braun DR, Harris JWK, Levin NE, McCoy JT, Herries AIR, Bamford MK, Bishop LC, Richmond BG, Kibunjia M. Early hominin diet included diverse terrestrial and aquatic animals 1.95 Ma in East Turkana, Kenya. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America. 2010;107(22):10002-7.
    Synopsis: 
    The Turkana Basin joins other areas providing evidence of dietary flexibility and aquatic resource use by early Homo.
  • Ardipithecus challenge explication: the pelvis

    Tue, 2010-06-01 16:38 -- John Hawks

    The other day, I started writing about the Sarmiento-White exchange on Ardipithecus, by describing how they disagree about the implications of the molecular clock.

    What really prompted me to break up my discussion into three posts was that it takes quite a lot of space to explicate the features of the pelvis. I've taken care to reference the description by Lovejoy and colleagues (2009c), the general discussion of Ardi's locomotor anatomy in Lovejoy et al. (2009a, 2009b), and the discussion of early hominin pelvic evolution by Lovejoy and colleagues (1999).

    I have a major hesitation that keeps me from writing anything about the Ardipithecus pelvis beyond those descriptions: Independent investigators at present cannot verify or replicate any comparisons made in Lovejoy and colleagues' analyses. Most of the measurements and many quantitative observations depend on a 3-d model. That model is not available for inspection, and the published description does not provide enough detail about the model to independently assess its accuracy. Worse, as I discussed last fall, the model appears to have been derived from the a priori expectations about pelvis evolution that Lovejoy and colleagues published in 1999.

    As a result, I don't think any independent reader, including me, can tell how much of the model is real.

    Given my problems understanding their pelvis 3-d model, I've decided to limit myself to the narrow points considered by Sarmiento's (2010) comment and White and colleagues' (2010) reply. Lovejoy and colleagues (2009b, 2009c) claimed that most of the pelvic anatomy of Ardipithecus is primitive for great apes, and that many of the pelvic features shared by chimpanzees and gorillas evolved in parallel in those two lineages. But they listed a few features that they considered to be derived in Ardipithecus and shared with Australopithecus. Sarmiento lists these, together with two features of the foot, and argues that they are not compelling evidence that Ardipithecus is a cladistic hominin:

    Of the remaining characters listed as common to Ardipithecus and Australopithecus, none of the eight postcranial characters (sagittal iliac/isthmus orientation, slightly broadened iliac breadth, strong anterior inferior iliac spine formed by separate ossification center, robust second metatarsal base and shaft, dorsally domed second to fifth metatarsal heads, upwardly canted proximal foot phalanges, and short iliac isthmus and pubic symphysis outline), nor the other four craniodental characters [anterior basion position (14), advanced cranial flexion, and broad lower molars and mandibular corpus] are shown by systematic comparisons to be exclusive to humans or share-derived with humans. Nearly all are quantitative characters that appear in early hominoids (i.e., Oreopithecus and Dryopithecus) and have appeared independently in other primate lineages, and character simplicity is such that parallelisms or reversals in polarity cannot be demonstrated (12, 15).

    I think Sarmiento's argument is entirely reasonable. Lovejoy and colleagues (2009a, 2009b) claimed a long series of parallelisms between chimpanzees and gorillas. Despite some reservations, I tend to agree -- Ardipithecus is primitive in its postcranial anatomy, and living apes are convergently derived. But take the argument to its logical end, and it becomes Sarmiento's. Ardi shares some postcranial features with hominins that living apes lack, but how do we know that any of them are derived? Or if they are derived, how do we know that they aren't trivially simple to evolve in parallel?

    In their published reply to Sarmento, White and colleagues do not mention the long series of great ape postcranial features that they previously argued to be cases of parallel evolution (Lovejoy et al. 2009b, 2009c). Instead, they claim that three features of the pelvis are so convincingly like Australopithecus that Ardi must be a hominin:

    Although isolated aspects of pelvic morphology of Oreopithecus may partially mimic those of Ar. ramidus [such as a projecting anterior inferior iliac spine (AIIS)], crucial postcranial elements of the latter (9, 10) are unambiguously derived toward the Australopithecus condition, to the exclusion of Oreopithecus. Some of these derivations probably stem from shared changes in pattern formation exhibited by both Ar. ramidus and Australopithecus. In the pelvis, these include (i) superoinferior approximation of the sacroiliac and acetabular joints by iliac isthmus shortening and (ii) a sagittally oriented and greatly broadened lower iliac isthmus accompanied by (iii) an exaggerated anterior margin, itself the product of a unique physis for the AIIS, shared only with phyletic hominids.

    I find this reply very strange. The "shared changes in pattern formation" hypothesis actually supports Sarmiento's argument. If White and colleagues are correct about the morphogenetic basis of the Ardipithecus pelvic anatomy, that makes it more likely to have evolved convergently with Australopithecus, not less likely. Lovejoy and colleagues (1999) emphasized this point -- the pelvic features of hominins were likely to have evolved due to selection for a shorter pelvis, principally for biomechanical reasons, with other characters of the pelvis and femur changing entirely due to their genetic correlation with this major target of selection.

    The reply omits the most persuasive of the derived features in hominins -- the short ilium -- which was at the center of Lovejoy and colleagues' (1999) account of hominin pelvic evolution. Here's a comparison of 3-d models:

    Ardi looks very obviously like the human and Lucy, and very different from the chimpanzee, right? But I think that the chimpanzee model in this picture is larger than it should be, as the acetabulum looks much larger than Ardi even though Lovejoy and colleagues (2009c) report Ardi's acetabulum as right in the middle of the chimpanzee range. Maybe they chose a large chimpanzee, or built the Ardi 3-d model using the smaller end of their range of possible acetabular diameter. You see the problem of using a model instead of the actual fossil?

    In any event, the differences between Ardi's os coxa and the chimpanzee's are obvious. Ardi has a much shorter ilium. The chimpanzee has an iliac blade that comes right out of the picture toward us, because it is oriented along a coronal axis. Ardi's angles forward, or anteriorly, like the hominins.

    In fact, if we look at the model in superior view superimposed on Lucy's pelvis, you can see that Ardi's iliac blades angle even more anteriorly than Lucy's:

    The three features White and colleagues (2010) list, as quoted above, are morphological side effects of the shorter, more sagitally angled ilia. Lovejoy and colleagues (1999) paper would likely have described these features as side effects of selection for a shorter pelvis with an anteriorly directed origin for the rectus femoris muscle.

    The question is: How much of the functional similarity between Ardi and hominins is homology, and how much is convergence? Similarity may not reflect homology -- descent of the feature from the same ancestor.

    That point is especially notable when White and colleagues (2010) discuss Oreopithecus -- an extinct ape whose pelvis shares some features with hominins, and other features with apes. Oreopithecus is not a hominin, but it may have had some adaptations to a bipedal stance. Yet it also shares features that Lovejoy and colleagues (2009b) have argued must have evolved convergently in orangutans, chimpanzees and gorillas. That seems like a real problem for the idea that Ardipithecus represents the primitive condition for such traits.

    Here's the Oreopithecus paragraph from White et al. (2010), the first time that Ardipithecus and Oreopithecus pelvic features have been compared (other than here on the blog):

    Indeed, Oreopithecus diverges from hominids remarkably in features ranging from limb proportions to dental anatomy. In the pelvis, it features bi-iliac entrapment of at least one lumbar vertebra and general immobilization of the lumbar column (including transformation of lumbar somites into its six-segment sacrum). Such changes stand in stark contrast to the six lumbar, four-segment sacrum of Au. afarensis, a character adumbrated by the precipitous reduction in iliac height (and extensive broadening) of the Ar. ramidus ilium (10). African apes have entirely rigidified lumbar columns that differ radically from those of hominids.

    I think this comparison is very important. Oreopithecus is not a member of the orangutan clade, and Lovejoy and colleagues' (2009b) scenario implies that if Oreopithecus is a member of the African ape clade, it -- like chimpanzees and gorillas -- must have evolved these features convergently.

    Can it be that orangutans, chimpanzees, gorillas, and Oreopithecus all acquired the distinctive "bi-iliac entrapment" of the lower lumbar vertebrae in four separate instances of evolutionary convergence? Put those together with the elongation of the arms, reduction in the length of the lumbar column, and sacralization of lumbar vertebrae. Far from a simple change, it a series of complicated, correlated changes. Lovejoy and colleagues (2009b) defended the hypothesis that these traits are parallelisms shared by all the lineages of living great apes. Now, White and colleagues (2010) are forced to posit a fourth independent evolution of many of these traits in Oreopithecus.

    Despite those similarities to living great apes, Oreopithecus shares with hominins the development of a relatively prominent anterior inferior iliac spine. This implies an adaptation to hip flexion or knee extension with a more extended leg. Bipedal stance is one possible explanation for this anatomy, and is the explanation that Lovejoy and colleagues (2009c) offer for its presence in Ardipithecus. White and colleagues (2010) include this as their feature (iii), the "unique physis for the AIIS, shared only with phyletic hominids." But this description seems exaggerated, when we consider what Lovejoy and colleagues (2009c:71e3) actually wrote:

    The form and size of the AIIS in ARA-VP- 6/500, as well as its projection anterior to the acetabular margin, indicate that this structure had already begun to appear and mature via a novel physis.

    A "novel physis" refers to a separate growth plate for the anterior inferior iliac spine. Ardi was an adult, and her pelvis was fully developed. So there's no observing whether the anterior inferior iliac spine had its own growth plate. Lovejoy and colleagues (2009c, 2010) are just claiming there must have been one. What basis could there be for such a model, other than an allometric analysis of the anterior inferior iliac spine in humans and other primates where it is present -- such as Oreopithecus? Remember that Ardi is more than twice the body size of Oreopithecus, yet Rook and colleagues (1999) showed that the cancellous structure within the anterior inferior iliac spine of Oreopithecus is a close match to Homo. That anatomical similarity may imply a common developmental pathway in Oreopithecus and hominins.

    Is the anterior inferior iliac spine homologous in Oreopithecus and Ardipithecus? If so, it is probably primitive for great apes, not derived in hominins. Does it have another functional role besides bipedal stance? If so, that functional role might well have occurred in Ardipithecus, another arboreal quadruped.

    Could other features of Ardi's pelvis be consequences of arboreal quadrupedal locomotion in an ape with a long lumbar spine? The sagittal orientation of the iliac blades and isthmus is not like living great apes, but it is like living Old World monkeys. Ardi's ilia are shorter than monkey ilia, but the question deserves some serious allometric study. Also deserving of study is whether isthmus orientation in monkeys matches that of the iliac blades, and if not, why not? One hypothesis would be the morphogenetic effects of selection for a shorter ilium length, the scenario published by Lovejoy and colleagues (1999).

    I don't think there's any question that the evolutionary scenario outlined by Lovejoy and colleagues (2009b) is highly non-parsimonious with respect to the postcrania. It requires the convergent evolution of a long suite of characters within all the living great apes in at least three separate evolutionary histories. Add in fossil apes -- at least Oreopithecus, and possibly Morotopithecus and Dryopithecus -- and the number of parallelisms is extreme. The chimpanzee-gorilla convergences go even further beyond those shared with orangutans to include the knuckle-walking features of the wrist and hand, and several dental characters.

    White and colleagues (2010), as I'll describe in the next post, argue that the shared dental characters of Ardipithecus and Australopithecus necessitate their close relationship. Once this is assumed, the many postcranial convergences become necessary. In that perspective, it helps to "soften the blow" somewhat by identifying those postcranial features shared by Ardipithecus and the hominins.

    From the perspective of the pelvis, I'll return to one feature of Ardipithecus that seems independent, shared with hominins, and lacking in Oreopithecus: the "precipitous reduction in iliac height," so obvious in the picture above. But Ardi's os coxa is badly crushed at the superior border of the ilium. My post from last fall includes photos of both Ardi's os coxa and the pelvis of Oreopithecus. Ardi's is relatively shorter, no question, and it lacks the great height on its medial aspect, that creates the "entrapment" of the last lumbar vertebra of Oreopithecus. But the crushing seems to obscure this anatomy, so that it's not possible to be sure from the photos.

    I wish we had better than a cartoon model to compare. During the seven months since I first detailed what I see as weak points in the pelvic description, I've become less and less persuaded that the pelvic features reflect any hominin-like locomotor adaptations in Ardipithecus. There are many unresolved functional issues, which obscure the phylogenetic relations between living and fossil apes. Ardi makes every tree less parsimonious, no matter which branch we put her on. Shoe-horning her into the hominins doesn't solve many problems, and creates some intractable ones.

    I find myself calling her an ape.

    References:

       Abitbol MM. 1995. Reconstruction of the sts 14 (Australopithecus africanus) pelvis. Am J Phys Anthropol 96:143–158.

       Harrison T. 1986. A reassessment of the phylogenetic relationships of Oreopithecus bambolii. J Hum Evol 15:541–584.

       Harrison T. 1991. The implications of Oreopithecus bambolii for the origins of bipedalism. In: Coppens Y, Senut B, editors, Origine(s) de la bipédie chez les hominidés, Cahiers de Paléoanthropologie. Paris: Editions du CNRS. p 235–244.

       Köhler M, Moyà-Solà S. 1997. Ape-like or hominid-like? the positional behavior of Oreopithecus bambolii reconsidered. Proc Natl Acad Sci U S A 94:11,747–11,750.

       Lovejoy CO, Cohn MJ, White TD. 1999. Morphological analysis of the mammalian postcranium: A developmental perspective. Proc Natl Acad Sci U S A 96:13,247–13,252.

       Lovejoy CO, Simpson SW, White TD, Asfaw B, Suwa G. 2009a. Careful climbing in the Miocene: The forelimbs of Ardipithecus ramidus and humans are primitive. Science 326:70e1–70e7.

       Lovejoy CO, Suwa G, Simpson SW, Matternes JH, White TD. 2009b. The great divides: Ardipithecus ramidus reveals the postcrania of our last common ancestors with African apes. Science 326:100–106.

       Lovejoy CO, Suwa G, Spurlock L, Asfaw B, White TD. 2009c. The pelvis and femur of Ardipithecus ramidus: The emergence of upright walking. Science 326.

       Robinson JT. 1964. Adaptive radiation in the australopithecines and the origin of man. In: Howell FC, Bourlière F, editors, African ecology and human evolution. London: Methuen and Company, Limited. p 385–416.

       Rook L, Bondioli L, Köhler M, Moyà-Solà S, Macchiarelli R. 1999. Oreopithecus was a bipedal ape after all: Evidence from the iliac cancellous architecture. Proc Natl Acad Sci U S A 96:8795–8799.

    Sarich VM. 1971. A molecular approach to the question of human origins. In (P. Dohlinow & V.M. Sarich, Eds.) Background for Man: Readings in Physical Anthropology, pp. 60‐81. Boston: Little, Brown.

    Sarmiento EE. 2010. Comment on the paleobiology and classification of Ardipithecus ramidus. Science 328:1105. doi:10.1126/science.1184148

       White TD, Asfaw B, Beyene Y, Haile-Selassie Y, Lovejoy CO, Suwa G, WoldeGabriel G. 2009. Ardipithecus ramidus and the paleobiology of early hominids. Science 326:75–86.

    White TD, Suwa G, Lovejoy CO. 2010. Response to Comment on the paleobiology and classification of Ardipithecus ramidus. Science 328:1105. doi:10.1126/science.1185462

    Synopsis: 
    Tim White and Esteban Sarmiento face off in Science about Ardipithecus. I try to explain.
  • Ardipithecus backlash begins

    Thu, 2010-05-27 17:57 -- John Hawks

    John Noble Wilford reports in the NY Times on today's technical comments that challenge various aspects of the interpretation of Ardipithecus.

    Thure Cerling and colleagues argue that Ardi's paleoenvironment was not as wooded as White and colleagues (2009) had claimed.

    Esteban Sarmiento argues that Ardipithecus wasn't a hominin, in part because of its features, in part because the molecular clock places the human-chimpanzee divergence between 3 and 5 million years ago, too young for the genus to be on our lineage.

    I'll write more later on the Sarmiento comment and White and colleagues' reply. For now, I thought I'd point to these initial skeptical takes on the Ardipithecus story.

    Oh, with some pride I'll point out that my readers were appraised of many of these issues the week of the announcement and thereafter. I discussed the molecular clock issue at some length ("Reviewing the clock, and phylogenomics"), and of course my Ardipithecus FAQ laid out most of the anatomy. The pelvis got attention in my post "The Ardipithecus pelvis", where I was the first to detail the shocking absence of Oreopithecus from the published analysis.

    Does this mean that it has taken Science and the NY Times eight months to catch up to a blog? Well, they're doing different things than I do here, so it's not a fair comparison.

  • A virtual walk into the past

    Wed, 2009-12-16 12:33 -- John Hawks

    Via a reader:

    Sterkfontein Caves on Street View

    It's not there yet, but Google is adding a gaggle of World Heritage Sites to the Street View feature, and Sterkfontein will be among them. An interesting detail:

    Where access by car is not possible, Google uses its custom-made 'trike' – a three-wheeled bike mounted with a camera – to take the images. It will soon be used to collect imagery of the Sterkfontein Caves in SA.

    Now, if they will just take us into the Silberberg Grotto...

  • Why didn't they let Kenyanthropus save them?

    Thu, 2009-12-10 00:42 -- John Hawks

    In the fossil record, a species is a hypothesis. We can't test that hypothesis in the way we do with living animals. Even in the dark, after all the paleontologists have left, the fossil bones just won't get it on. No reproduction, no test.

    So, sometimes we have to live with hypotheses that we can't immediately test. Because many hypotheses are wrong, we have to keep juggling in our minds the names of more species than probably existed.

    All the juggling frequently leads to confusion. One may reasonably wonder how we know that species X evolved into species Y, when half the field rejects the hypothesis that X was a real species. Often we don't disagree about the "evolving into", but we do disagree about the boundaries and other relationships of the populations -- which we can understand only indirectly from the fossils. The fossils don't change, but our hypotheses about them do.

    That brings us back to A. anamensis. Here's a hypothesis about an ancient lineage of hominins, based on a certain number of differences from later fossil samples assigned to A. afarensis. That's a precarious place for a hypothesis, because from the beginning, the definition of A. afarensis has encompassed geographic and temporal variability. How hard would it be to recognize a little more temporal variability? Not very.

    So, as I described last week, Haile-Selassie and colleagues (2010) propose sinking A. anamensis ("Woranso-Mille: A ladder not a bush"). I should mention, if I haven't already, that I have great sympathy for this viewpoint. Absent some compelling evidence that the lineage includes a speciation event, I prefer slow gradual anagenesis to be categorized into one evolving species, not an arbitrary set of chronospecies.

    In the same post, I described the work of Kimbel and colleagues (2006), who had argued for anagenesis in the same sample of A. anamensis and A. afarensis-referred fossils, but retained the two distinct names for them. One thing stands out as a mystery to me in that paper. Why didn't they let Kenyanthropus make the argument for them?

    If you want to establish that A. anamensis is taxonomically valid, the simplest way to answer all critics is if it has more than one descendant. You don't have to demonstrate the phylogeny beyond all doubt, I would say, you just have to take the hypothesis seriously.

    In this instance, we seem to have two good candidates for a non-A. afarensis descendant of A. anamensis. The more obvious of them is Kenyanthropus. Why didn't they advance the hypothesis of a A. afarensis-Kenyanthropus clade? Here's what Kimbel and colleagues wrote about the latest Leakey find:

    A more significant concern is the presence of Kenyanthropus at 3.5 Ma. Kenyanthropus may demonstrate cladogenesis prior to this time, but this taxon is only directly relevant to the analysis if any of the samples share derived character-states with it. At present, the Kenyanthropus hypodigm does not match the others in the availability or quality of character data for the mandible and anterior teeth, while the evidence that exists (from the maxilla, for example) does not suggest a close relationship of Kenyanthropus to any of the phena considered here (Leakey et al., 2001).

    So, they took the hypothesis off the table. And again, they've refocused the question solely upon dental and mandibular evidence.

    This is a very large hole. At 3.5 million years, KNM-WT 40000 is earlier than any other comparably complete hominin skull, except for Ardi and Toumaï. It doesn't look like them, that's for sure. Not the same phenum at all. If you're going to insist that KNM-WT 40000 isn't A. afarensis, it's hard to see a better hypothesis than that it's descended from A. anamensis.

    If it doesn't have a close relationship to either A. afarensis or A. anamensis, then I'm at a loss to figure out what they think it is related to!

    I'm willing to believe White's (2003) argument that it just is a member of the A. anamensis-A. afarensis lineage, but I don't see the contrary argument that it's so different from this lineage that it must be derived from some as-yet-undiscovered hominin. Keep in mind that the argument was formed by people, many of whom already knew basically what Ardi's skull was going to look like. I just can't feature why this phylogenetic problem didn't raise itself to a higher profile.

    As I wrote above, we juggle more hypotheses than can be true. In this instance, the null hypothesis is that all these hominins belong to a single evolving species, which would be called A. afarensis. But one alternative, in which A. anamensis existed as the ancestor of A. afarensis and at least one other species, has some utility. It lets us refer clearly to phylogenies with late-diverging sister taxa. As Yoda might have said, there is another possible sister taxon for A. afarensis: A. africanus might be derived from, or might itself be, a South African contemporary of the Hadar-Maka-Laetoli sample. The earliest Sterkfontein dates go up and down; one or more of the remains might be contemporaries of Laetoli or even earlier East African localities.

    Anyway, I'm not so interested in this question of bushes versus ladders, or "Pliocene diversity". I'm more focused on the curiously non-hominin-like features of Ardipithecus. If we suppose a late molecular divergence of hominins and chimpanzees (say after 4.4 million years ago), then Ardipithecus might be an ape or ancestral (stem) hominid, not a hominin. If so, then samples now referred to A. anamensis, including later specimens from Aramis, Asa Issie, and Kanapoi, are in fact the earliest-known members of the human lineage.

    A. anamensis is no afterthought in that case, it may be the stem hominin.

    That is, if it hasn't been sunk into A. afarensis.

    UPDATE (2009-12-10): A reader writes to remind me about A. garhi, which presents itself as very much like A. africanus and is quite a lot later than any known A. afarensis samples. One alternative is that A. africanus is simply the latest element of the single A. anamensis-A. afarensis-A. africanus anagenetic sequence.

    I don't think that's very easy to reject, considering the lack of good cranial remains between 3 and 2.5 million years ago (or for that matter, even later) in East Africa.

    Some of the Sterkfontein specimens, particularly those from Jakovec cavern and from Member 2 (including Little Foot) have been suggested to be older than 3 million years. Partridge and colleagues (2003) put them at older than 4 million years ago, which would make them rivals of A. anamensis as the earliest hominins. But Berger and colleagues (2002) argued (apparently preemptively) that these early dates are not necessary on faunal or magnetostratigraphic grounds.

    A second reader wonders why I didn't mention A. bahrelghazali as a possible sister to A. afarensis. Well, nothing's impossible, but I'd say the case for the Bahr el Ghazal mandible being distinct from the Hadar-Maka-Laetoli sample isn't very strong. Still, we're only talking about hypotheses here, I suppose.

    References:

    Berger LR, Lacruz R, de Ruiter DJ. 2002. Revised age estimates of Australoipithecus-bearing deposits at Sterkfontein, South Africa. Am J Phys Anthropol 119:192-197. doi:10.1002/ajpa.10156

    Haile-Selassie Y, Saylor BZ, Deino A, Alene M, Latimer BM. 2010. New hominid fossils from Woranso-Mille (Central Afar, Ethiopia) and taxonomy of early Australopithecus. Am J Phys Anthropol (in press) doi:10.1002/ajpa.21159

    Kimbel WH, Lockwood CA, Ward CV, Leakey MG, Rak Y, Johanson DC. 2006. Was Australopithecus anamensis ancestral to A. afarensis? A case of anagenesis in the hominin fossil record. J Hum Evol 51:134-152. doi:10.1016/j.jhevol.2006.02.003

    White T. 2003. Early hominids -- diversity or distortion? Science 299:1994-1996.

    Suwa G, Asfaw B, Kono RT, Kubo D, Lovejoy CO, White TD. 2009. The Ardipithecus ramidus skull and its implications for hominid origins. Science 326:68e1-68e7. doi:10.1126/science.1175825

    Leakey MG. Spoor F, Brown FH, Gathogo PN, Kiarie C, Leakey LN, McDougall I. 2001. New hominin genus from eastern Africa shows diverse middle Pliocene lineages. Nature 410:433-440.

    Partridge TC, Granger DE, Caffee MW, Clarke RJ. 2003. Lower Pliocene hominid remains from Sterkfontein. Science 300:607-612.

    Synopsis: 
    If A. anamensis evolved into A. afarensis, why do we need two names for them?

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