john hawks weblog

paleoanthropology, genetics and evolution

art

  • Blombos pigment workshop

    Fri, 2011-10-14 02:23 -- John Hawks

    I know that some readers are starting to wonder if I've forgotten about paleoanthropology lately. Let's just say that the Neandertal and Denisova genomes have me very busy, and I don't think you'd want it any other way.

    But on the paleoanthropological front, Science has released a paper by Chris Henshilwood and colleagues [1] describing two toolkits used by ancient MSA people more than 100,000 years ago to grind pigment and mix it with animal fat, presumably for painting.

    I want to share a picture from the article (credit G. Moéll Pedersen), which shows one of the two toolkits in situ. I want to make a point about it that would be difficult without seeing the photo:

    That photo shows Tk1, the first toolkit. Now, here's the description of what Henshilwood and colleagues were able to interpret from the artifacts in the photo:

    We infer that manufacturing proceeded as follows: Pieces of ochre (FS1 and FS2) were rubbed on quartzite slabs to produce a fine red powder, and some were knapped with large lithic flakes. The ochre chips resulting from the latter were crushed with quartz, quartzite, and silcrete hammerstones/grinders. Quartzite grinders were used to crush goethite or hematite-rich lutite. Medium-sized mammal bone was crushed, probably with a stone hammer. The red or reddish brown color and cracked, flaky texture of some of the trabecular bone suggest that it was heated before crushing, probably to enhance the extraction of the marrow fat. The hematite powder, charcoal, crushed trabecular bone, stone chips, and quartz grains and a liquid were then introduced into the Haliotis shells and gently stirred (figs. S5, S25, and S26). Charcoal is rare in the layer-CP matrix, suggesting that it was a deliberate addition to the mix. The quartz and quartzite chips, produced during the action of crushing the ochre, and the quartz grains may have been incidentally incorporated.

    You can see how the complex interpretation was made possible by finding these things in association as part of one feature. If one or two of these pieces had been found separately, many archaeologists would be skeptical of such a story. Indeed, even the interpretation of this toolkit might appear incredible were it not for the second toolkit also found at the site. Archaeologists are conservative that way, they don't like to overinterpret the evidence. Even this series of events -- grinding, heating, mixing, and so on -- isn't very complicated compared to many activities that humans do every day. It's an example where Henshilwood and colleagues have advanced what archaeologically can show beyond a shadow of doubt about ancient people, but still leaves a gap in our understanding of the ancient cultural system.

    A complex behavioral pattern that is actually found cannot have been an isolated instance. Complexity implies a tradition of which these toolkits are only miniscule remnants.

    In this light, I should point out that the Blombos evidence is by far earlier than other evidence of pigment grinding and heating, but not unique in the South African MSA. Last year I linked to a Jennifer Viegas story about red ochre production at Sibudu Cave, South Africa. This is Lyn Wadley's work [2], and the research paper has since been published in the Journal of Archaeological Science. Also in that journal last year was a paper by Francesco d'Errico and colleagues [3], which described pigment nodules found in the Middle Paleolithic in Mt. Carmel site of Skhul, Israel. We have quite a lot of circumstantial evidence about pigment use in these early contexts both inside and outside Africa, and more is building all the time.

    The archaeological record is bad in many ways. The wooden artifacts preserved at Abric Romani, Spain, are another example of an exceptional archaeological find. I've been meaning to write about them since Julien Riel-Salvatore mentioned them last month. Archaeologists have been working the Middle Paleolithic for nearly 150 years, yet we know next to nothing about wooden artifacts. Abric Romani is not entirely alone, but is enough to show the existence of a broader tradition occupying this blind spot, because the extensive shaping of artifacts and labor used to create them implies a cultural knowledge and utility.


    References

    Synopsis: 
    Complex toolkits from Blombos, South Africa, show pigment processing before 100,000 years ago.
  • Kids leave their traces in caves with art

    Sun, 2011-10-09 09:34 -- John Hawks

    Several stories last week related the story (from a conference talk by Jessica Cooney) about evidence that very young children had left finger grooves in the Grotte de Rouffignac. Alan Boyle's gives the most details: "Prehistoric kids left marks in caves".

    Like Lascaux, the 5-mile (8-kilometer) Rouffignac cave network has plenty of drawings, depicting mammoths, rhinoceroses, horses and even a cave bear. But Cooney focuses on a different kind of art: impressions left behind in clay or "moonmilk" — a soft, white, crystalline precipitate that forms inside limestone caves. The ancient artists created the impressions by pressing or dragging their fingers through the soft material on the cave walls. Those markings are what Cooney and her research colleague, Walden University's Leslie Van Gelder, used to estimate how old the artists were.

    Rouffignac is an immense cave network. The main tourist route into the cave involves riding on an electric train for nearly a kilometer into the hillside. One problem posed by the cave is that tourists have been coming into it for hundreds of years -- there is graffiti dating to the 18th century on the ceiling near some of the most famous artwork. But it is an amazing place, in part for that long history of people interacting with the very ancient art.

    Dale Guthrie's wonderful book, The Nature of Paleolithic Art, discusses the idea that children and adolescents were involved in making much of the classic "cave art" in Europe. The famous paintings and engravings with high levels of technical execution are really exceptional, and are usually surrounded or accompanied by vastly more numerous, cruder, representations. Many of those can be analogized to art created by children today, some of them actually occur in areas where children are the most likely artists. And already we know about children's footprints in some caves, and handprint-negatives sized for young people.

  • Photo: Abbe Breuil

    Fri, 2011-08-26 19:31 -- John Hawks
    abbe-henri-breuil-osborn-1911-fig-204

    L'Abbé Henri Breuil is pictured, center with the cane. This photo is from Men of the Old Stone Age, by Henry Fairfield Osborn, publication date 1915. L'Abbé Breuil, known as the first archaeological expert of Paleolithic art, was one of a number of scientists who hosted Osborn on a tour of southern France and Cantabria. The book draws heavily on Osborn's exposure to the record in this area.

  • Shoehorning science into art

    Sun, 2011-08-21 19:23 -- John Hawks

    The Guardian today ran an interesting article giving several examples of artists collaborating with scientists...to make art "When two tribes meet: collaborations between artists and scientists".

    It was a radical departure for portraiture. Certainly few sitters contribute, as Sulston did, a sample of DNA from his sperm. That sample was cut into segments and treated so they could be replicated in bacteria. The bacteria was spread on agar jelly and placed under glass, forming a portrait about A4 size. "Some say it's an abstract portrait, but I say it's the most realistic portrait in the National Portrait Gallery," says Quinn. "It carries the instructions that led to John and shows his ancestry back to the beginning of the universe."

    "Well, yes," says Sulston, "but DNA gives the instructions for making a baby, not an adult. There's a lot more to me than DNA."

    The examples aren't especially very inspiring as art. And they seem to be exclusively one-way: the scientists aren't getting much from the artists in these cases. It all seems forced.

    I find art tremendously inspiring to my science, but my sense is that art that is useful in this way doesn't get much appreciation in the art community.

  • Views from Rhino Cave, Tsodilo Hills, Botswana

    Tue, 2011-05-31 03:55 -- John Hawks

    Sheila Coulson, Sigrid Staurset and Nick Walker [1] (doi isn't working yet, so here's a PDF link, 12 MB) have published a long summary of findings from Rhino Cave, in the Tsodilo Hills of northern Botswana. These hills are huge isolated rock formations, or inselbergs, that jut out of relatively flat surrounding countryside. That makes them highly visible in the folklore and traditions of local people, and some caves in them have been used by people for tens of thousands of years.

    Coulson and colleagues describe the setting of Rhino Cave, named for a rock painting within it.

    It is...easy to understand how the site evaded detection, as it is perched high on the northernmost ridge of Female Hill and can only be approached by scrambling over, or squeezing between, massive boulders. Gaining entry to the cave is only slightly less arduous. On the western side of the ridge there is a raised, narrow, crawl space that ends with a considerable drop into the site. Alternatively, the wider eastern entrance offers two options: a two-meter jump or a slide down a steep boulder face, followed by a scramble over a rock-strewn opening near the present day floor.

    I love these kinds of sites where you know that every lithic was brought in by people. That can tell you a lot about how people used the site, and the authors use that to advantage. But Coulson and colleagues do not yet have new dates for the deposits. The old dates appear too recent and are problematic because of their mismatch with other local MSA sites such as White Paintings Shelter and ≠Gi, both between 66,000 and 95,000 years old. The Rhino Cave assemblage may be comparable to these in age. The paper reports that substantial amounts of exotic stone materials including silcrete and chalcedony must come from more than 50 or 100 km away, respectively.

    MSA exotic flakes from Rhino Cave, figure 5 from Coulson et al. 2011

    Some of the flakes made from exotic raw materials, Figure 5 from the paper. All photos in the article copyrighted and used courtesy of Sheila Coulson.

    There is a lot to the lithic collection besides the points, but I think these are interesting and certainly visually striking.

    MSA points from Rhino Cave, figure 4 from Coulson et al. 2011

    Coulson and colleagues noticed that many of the points were burned, and this was not easily explained by the incidental presence of fires in the cave, nor did it particularly appear to be explained in terms of the "heat-treating" that people used to make silcrete more suitable for artifact production at some other MSA sites.

    In summary, there is a very distinctive pattern of burning at this site. A group of 26 MSA points and their associated debitage are heat damaged to the point of destruction. However, they have not been exposed to long-term burning of the type that is commonly found when an artifact is discarded into a hearth -- a common feature on any number of Stone Age sites. It is suggested that these MSA points and their associated manufacturing debitage were selectively and intentionally burnt in short-term restricted fires that caused their coloring to change to various reddish hues.

    This is part of what Coulson and colleagues tentatively call evidence of symbolic or ritual behavior at the site. People climbed up to this out-of-the-way place with colorful stone from far away. The manufacturing debris shows that they made stone points in the cave. And they then left many of those points in the cave, some of them burned and destroyed or abandoned. At a minimum, it's curious. Adding everything together (including the cupules discussed below), it seems clear that the site was not used for purely utilitarian purposes. What that means about ancient social or cognitive systems is not obvious.

    The article is open access, and full of amazing full-size color photos. I don't know why everyone doesn't publish their sites this way. For example, here's a photo of the site and night, where Coulson and colleagues experimented with flickering light against the carved wall:

    Rhino Cave, night-time flicker light, figure 17 from Coulson et al. 2011

    This stone face, which has been pecked at and scooped out for many thousands of years, is the most distinctive aspect of the site. Coulson and colleagues believe that some of the existing marks reflect very great antiquity, and they have natural spalls of the rock face that broke off in MSA times and integrated themselves into MSA layers. Some (maybe most) of the cupules are recent, and the pictorial art inside the cave is also late. But at least some of the surface carving appears to have been MSA in age.

    Rhino Cave, cupules in rock wall, figure 12 from Coulson et al. 2001

    Cupules in rock face, detail.

    The paper discusses some evidence for pigment grinding at the site, including smooth-edged pieces of specularite and several small striated sandstone slabs (say that fast five times) presumably used as grindstones. Color goes together with the burning (to enhance color?), but this combination is not found elsewhere. Rhino Cave is in that way unique.

    They indicate that the rock face is exposed to flickering daylight through a shaft at certain times, which they attempted to simulate with the flickering light photograph. Really I can't think of any better way to give readers an impression of what it would be like to visit the site.


    References

    Synopsis: 
    Summary of Sheila Coulson and colleagues' richly illustrated work on this MSA-era site
  • Death and the anthropologist

    Thu, 2011-05-26 17:09 -- John Hawks

    Sunday's travel theme here in Rome was death.

    OK, for an anthropologist you have to imagine this is more cheerful than it sounds.

    After walking the flea market at Porta Portese, I ran to the gate of the old Protestant Cemetery to get there before it closed. Back in the days when the entire city was ruled by the Popes, non-Catholics were forbidden to be buried on sacred ground. Foreigners who died in Rome were brought to be buried here near the city's outskirts. By the nineteenth century, this spot near the pyramid had become a formal graveyard.

    Oh, did I mention a pyramid?

    The pyramid of Rome, from inside the Protestant Cemetery

    It's the Pyramid of Cestius, built as a tomb in the first century B.C. Later builders integrated it into the city wall, and here it is in the border to the Protestant Cemetery.

    I arrived there a minute after the gate closed. Rats!

    My strategy in such a situation is to stand around with a pleasant look on my face. It soon paid off. The caretaker seemed a pleasant young man who looked about like what you'd expect a twentysomething poetry student to look, and he invited me in for a few minutes.

    So I went inside and gravely met the stones.

    Headstone of John Keats

    John Keats died in Rome in 1821 at the age of 25. He had gone there for the climate, hoped to relieve his suffering from tuberculosis, which had stricken him severely the previous year. His entire family, mother, brothers and sister, were drained by the disease. A life of such tragedy, orphaned by disease, nursing the final year of his teenage younger brother's life, then bled and starved by quack doctors. He loved a young woman, and she loved him, but he had no prospects, no money, and he fell ill. His letters to her survive, half a dialogue after he willed her side to be destroyed. Keats' life ended in a house next to the Spanish Steps, and his friend Joseph Severn, who had accompanied him to Rome, brought him to this cemetery. The verse on the stone refers to the negative reviews his volumes of poetry had received. He was recognized in his life only by friends, other artists -- Byron, Shelley.

    Yet the sweet converse of an innocent mind,
    Whose words are images of thoughts refined,
    Is my soul's pleasure;

    Severn later buried a baby son here by Keats, a boy who died in a crib accident. Strange how those still happen today, while the deathly force of tuberculosis, which killed so many more, has been so greatly reduced by antibiotics. Then Severn himself was placed here. The guidebooks never seem to explain the connection with the baby, but it's clear that much of Severn's heart must have stayed here. The site is no more than fifty feet from a busy bus line, but peaceful behind a high wall.

    IMG_0216

    As time was rapidly running out on my visit, I clipped through the cemetery to find Shelley's stone, under a ruin of a tower in the city wall. Shelley died in a boating accident, also before his time. Then a donation for the caretaking, and another coin for the cats, and out on my way.

    A metro ride across the city is the National Etruscan Museum, in the Villa Giulia. This is quite an amazing place. Two large floors packed with artifacts, countless Etruscan and Greek ceramic pieces, some incredible bronzes and terra cotta sculptures, and a recreation of the facade of a temple.

    The Etruscans are often called "enigmatic" or "mysterious". The truth is we know quite a lot about them -- really more than any other contemporary group in the area except the Romans and Greeks. They spoke a non-Indo-European language, but wrote with a Greek script borrowed from Euboea. So we can read their inscriptions, and know the meanings of most of them. The problem is that they're mostly funerary in nature. The Etruscans are an entire people whose lives are known to us by the manners of their deaths and burials.

    Etruscan sarcophagus of "the Married Couple"

    Perhaps the most famous Etruscan sarcophagus, of terra cotta. Photo by Small, on Flickr. Creative Commons.

    So much Etruscan pottery has been recovered that it is possible to trace the styles of individual painters. But we know the names of only a handful. Most are known by pseudonyms such as the "Priam painter", generally after a theme or a necropolis where their work is found. A tear came to my eye as I read what was known about an apprentice of one of the master painters, whose urn was used to hold the remains of a young woman cremated with a dove.

    IMG_0298

    Well, this is kind of random, but it's the only picture I took inside the (no photos allowed) museum. I just really liked that terra cotta head. The mouth was perfectly sculpted.

    It is not the distance of time that touches me about these people. I study bones that are tens or hundreds of thousands of years old, distances so vast as to be unimaginable in human terms. Yet the bone persists. The individual is marked in it, and touching her bones creates an immediacy of connection, like traveling through time.

    It is not the distance of time that affects me. It is the anonymity, the artistry denied a name. No different from the painters of Chauvet or Altamira -- but the Etruscans lie less than a tenth the distance in time. But then I think of young Keats, less than a tenth the distance to the Etruscans, who willed himself an anonymous stone, marked only with, "Here lies one whose name was writ in water." A name is an eddy in the river of time.

    After I passed a nice afternoon in the museum, I hopped back on the Metro to Piazza Barberini. This piazza has a small fountain in the corner, adorned with bees.

    IMG_0234

    I think this must be symbolic of something, but I'm afraid to find out what.

    Just past the fountain is the church of Santa Maria della Concezione dei Cappuccini. Beneath the church, but a climb of steps above the street, is the famous Capuchin Crypt. In a few rooms are the bones of many hundreds of brothers of the Capuchin order. These bones were disinterred and arranged as a kind of contemplative art upon the walls of the crypt.

    L1060860

    In the Capuchin Crypt, photo by Darren and Brad on Flickr. Creative Commons. No pictures were allowed in there, either, but several Flickr users seem not to have heeded the signs. Thanks, Creative Commons!

    There are six rooms here open to the public, five of them with different vignettes of bones or, in a few cases, mummified remains. The final room of the crypt has the usual bony ornamentation, in addition to the complete mounted skeletons of three children. This is where I encountered any anthropologist's nemesis: A blowhard who thinks he's some kind of forensics expert because watched one too many episodes of "Bones", or whatever the British equivalent may be. This guy's nonsense was clearly audible throughout the entire crypt, as he pontificated to an appreciative klatch of clucking hens.

    "It must be a dwarf," he said. "Look how small the pelvis is. Yes, certainly some kind of dwarf."

    Capuchin Crypt

    Picture credit: weesmalldoll on Flickr. Creative Commons. Yes, that's a kid's skeleton gussied up as a floating grim reaper.

    I don't usually make it my business to correct Cliff Clavin types, but his voice just carried through all six chambers. "No," I quietly said, "it's a child's skeleton."

    "How do you reckon that?"

    "I'm an anthropologist. It's not my first crypt."

    The floating grim reaper had two little friends at the far end of the chamber, all three children of a noble family that had been entrusted to the friars after their deaths.

    IMG_0917

    Hundreds of hip bones. Photo by sammyjo5999a on Flickr. Creative Commons

    The five rooms of the crypt with bones also have dirt floors with obvious burial mounds in them. The dirt was reputed to have been brought from Jerusalem when the Capuchin order occupied the church, but I figure by now decayed human flesh must be the majority component. Even so, there's nowhere near enough graveyard in this crypt to have supplied the bones. Most of them arrived by cartloads from the original medieval home of these Capuchin friars. That may explain the curious shortage of finger and toe bones in the decorations. I mean, seriously, there must have been thousands of hip bones (every human has two) but remarkably few phalanges (most people have 56). Oooh -- and I saw hundreds of atlas vertebrae (every human has one), but I don't recall a single hyoid (every human has one). An interesting case of taphonomy.

    I spent a good long time in each of the rooms. These monks may not have joyfully embraced death, but they used their devotions to remove some of its sting. I was interested to see the number of long bones that still had visible epiphysial lines, an indication that some of the brothers had died in their teens or very early twenties. Not surprising in a medieval context, a reminder of the ever-present possibility of death in these communities.

    Keats lived those final months a short walk from the Capuchin friars who tended this church and crypt.

    By the time I left, the sunny day that started at the cemetery gate had turned to rain. So I popped on my headphones and caught the bus back to my home base to get some work done.

    Synopsis: 
    I visit Keats' grave, the Villa Giulia and the Capuchin Crypt
  • Sketchbook

    Tue, 2011-02-22 01:03 -- John Hawks

    Today's sketchbook:

    Grotte de Bernifal

    Yeah, that's not a sketch. I've had this painting inside me since last summer and it needed to come out. This is a guide using the portable torch to highlight a pictograph within the Grotte de Bernifal, Dordogne, France.

  • Boas goes low

    Sat, 2011-02-05 12:43 -- John Hawks

    While researching another question, I have been reviewing some Franz Boas. In 1936, American Anthropologist ran a piece by Alfred Kroeber which reviewed some of Boas's ideas and work. Boas was not thrilled by Kroeber's description and wrote a reply with what we would today describe as a rather pissy tone. I suppose he earned it, considering he had trained Kroeber himself.

    In the piece, there is a short little discussion of "common" versions of myths and stories compared to more ideal versions. Boas had spent a great deal of effort cataloging myths and stories from various groups, and trained several of his students (including Kroeber) to do likewise.

    May I remind Dr Kroeber of one little incident that illustrates my interest in the sociological or psychological interpretation of cultures, an aspect that is now-a-days called by the new term functionalism. I had asked him to collect Arapaho traditions without regard to the “true” forms of ancient tales and customs, the discovery of which dominated, at that time, the ideas of many ethnologists. The result was a collection of stories some of which were extremely gross. This excited the wrath of Alice C. Fletcher who wanted to know only the ideal Indian, and hated what she called the “stable boy” manners of an inferior social group. Since she tried to discredit Dr Kroeber’s work on this basis I wrote a little article on “The Ethnological Significance of Esoteric Doctrines” in which I tried to show the “functional” interrelation between exoteric and esoteric knowledge, and emphasized the necessity of knowing the habits of thought of the common people as expressed in story telling. Similar considerations regarding the inner structural relations between various cultural phenomena are contained in a contribution on the secret societies of the Kwakiutl in the Anniversary Volume for Adolf Bastian (1896) and from another angle in a discussion of the same subject in the reports on the Fourteenth Congress of Americanists, 1904 (published 1906) ; the latter more from the angle of the establishment of a pattern of cultural behavior. These I should call contributions to cultural history dealing with the ways in which the whole of an indigenous culture in its setting among neighboring cultures builds up its own fabric.

    Of course, Boas wrote that in the "Don't say I never did you any favors" vein, but the bold-faced line struck a chord. Stories are built of language in iterated social exchanges very much like stone tools are built of flaking decisions. Hardly an original thought, I know, but pertinent to the transmission of early-stage reduction versus formal end-products.

    A version of a story that everybody sort-of knows certainly follows a different social learning dynamic than the canonical version of a story, as told by some famous storyteller -- the "Homeric apogee" of a story, we might say. The canonical version may well be more conservative, depending on tradition and technology. Shakespeare's Hamlet is kept whole by tradition and technology (writing and printing), because we consider the form of the parts essential to the whole. In that sense, any quotidian rendition of Hamlet is going to include many of the specific elements ("To be or not to be") which percolate out of the widely-distributed canonical version. We're never more than three or four interlocutors from the text.

    That is broadly true even in non-literate traditions, as elite storytellers maintain canonical versions of some stories with great fidelity using meter, rhyme and both internal and external references. "Low" culture is more than a game of "Telephone" removed from canonical stories; it promotes its own sensibility that resonates with the broader cultural setting. By considering the evolving dynamics of everyday parlance, "low" culture, we may find windows into semantic guides for learning.

    Boas later accuses Kroeber of "Epicureanism", for wanting elegant stories about historical relations of cultures without insisting on solid evidence. But building a "systematic" understanding is not easy; it's not even obvious what the endpoint of such an effort should look like.

    I have for some time had Brian Boyd's book, On the Origin of Stories: Evolution, Cognition, and Fiction, but haven't had time to really delve into it. It deals with similar issues, in particular he proposes that fiction as a form of art is a side-effect of various human cognitive adaptations. The missing element, I think, is the developmental aspect: How do children learn to create and engage with narratives around them? The shared environment of social learning creates a foundation for more extensive stories of all kinds -- from fiction to science.

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Neandertals

For years, I've worked on their bones. Now I'm working on their genes. Read more about the science studying these ancient people.

Denisova

From a finger bone of an ancient human came the record of a completely unexpected population. My lab is working on the science of the Denisova genome.

Acceleration

The advent of agriculture caused natural selection to speed up greatly in humans. We're uncovering some of the ways that populations have rapidly changed during the last 10,000 years.

Malapa

Just outside Johannesburg, the Malapa site is producing some of the most exciting finds in human evolution. This site is the headquarters of the Malapa Soft Tissue Project.