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paleoanthropology, genetics and evolution

Europe

  • Krapina Neandertal museum

    Sat, 2010-03-13 09:56 -- John Hawks

    Reuters correspondent Zoran Radosavljevic reports on the recent opening of the new museum at Krapina, Croatia. The museum is devoted to Neandertals, and represents the long work of Croat paleoanthropologist Jakov Radovcic.

    Visitors can touch parts of a digital Neanderthal body to get a medical explanation of their diseases and ailments - most of them very similar to our own, like knee and shoulder problems at a later age.

    The central scene -- a big Neanderthal family gathered in a cave around the fire -- is particularly impressive because of the accompanying acrid smells of sweat and burning meat, and sounds meant to recreate those typical of the Stone Age.

    The article includes a few photos of the reconstructions in the museum. This one gives an impression of the space:

    Krapina Neandertal museum photo

    I can't wait until I get a chance to visit, it looks truly impressive!

  • Crete again

    Tue, 2010-02-16 09:21 -- John Hawks

    I wrote about Crete twice last month ("Crete: Pleistocene port of call?", "More tools from Crete"). Now John Noble Wilford writes about Strasser and Panagopoulou's work: "On Crete, New Evidence of Very Ancient Mariners". The article reviews the finds, and then gives space to a bunch of speculations.

    The exposed uplifted layers represent the sequence of geologic periods that have been well studied and dated, in some cases correlated to established dates of glacial and interglacial periods of the most recent ice age. In addition, the team analyzed the layer bearing the tools and determined that the soil had been on the surface 130,000 to 190,000 years ago.

    Dr. Runnels said he considered this a minimum age for the tools themselves. They include not only quartz hand axes, but also cleavers and scrapers, all of which are in the Acheulean style. The tools could have been made millenniums before they became, as it were, frozen in time in the Cretan cliffs, the archaeologists said.

    Dr. Runnels suggested that the tools could be at least twice as old as the geologic layers. Dr. Strasser said they could be as much as 700,000 years old. Further explorations are planned this summer.

    Ancient artifacts may be exposed to the elements once again and then re-incorporated into more recent sedimentary contexts, a process called "reworking". It happens. But it's a stretch, unless there is some independent evidence that the tools and surrounding rocks bear signs of battering from water transport or other contextual evidence of reworking.

    Going out and saying that the tools could be "as much as 700,000 years old" is just overreaching -- it's like they're trying to say this is comparable to the "earliest" evidence of watercraft. And you really have to stretch the dates to get there: Flores was apparently inhabited by 800,000 years ago.

    At the end:

    But archaeologists and experts on early nautical history said the discovery appeared to show that these surprisingly ancient mariners had craft sturdier and more reliable than rafts. They also must have had the cognitive ability to conceive and carry out repeated water crossing over great distances in order to establish sustainable populations producing an abundance of stone artifacts.

    Maybe. Maybe not. What evidence is there that the crossings were "repeated"? Imagine what would serve...finding Crete-derived rocks in a mainland site would do it, or vice-versa. Any evidence of transport. I don't imagine we'll find any earlier human-introduced fauna, and a human-induced extinction might result from a single invasion, not a "sustained" record of multiple crossings.

    I pointed to one such faunal turnover in my last Crete post, which would point to a human invasion in the mid-Middle Pleistocene. Parallel technical change with Greece or North Africa after this time would show multiple contacts -- but such evidence would suppose a long archaeological record that we don't yet have.

    I just don't think it helps to speculate so freely. Sure, we might find things that surprise us. But the actual facts are surprising enough to justify funding much more work.

  • Where there's not smoke...

    Sun, 2010-02-14 23:15 -- John Hawks

    Anne-Laure Daniau, Francesco d'Errico and Maria Fernanda Sánchez Goñi went looking for signs that Upper Paleolithic Europeans were using fire to control ecosystems, similar to what is believed to have happened in Southeast Asia, Australia, and the New World under human agency during the terminal Pleistocene.

    They didn't find any.

    Our results show that contrary to Southeast Asia, no major increase in fire regime is recorded in Southwestern Iberia or in Western France at the onset or after the colonisation of these regions by Modern Human populations. CCsurf values associated in Southeast Asia with Modern Human impact are twice as great as the highest figures recorded in the same sequences for the period before colonisation by Modern Humans. Such a dramatic increase is not observed in our records. Also, no shift is observed in the vegetation apart from that expected by the impact of the millennial scale climatic variability on plant communities, and no increase in taxa that might be related to an increase in fire. Although the Southeast Asian and the European trends are difficult to compare considering the different latitudinal, paleoclimatic and vegetation settings, the coincidence in the former area between the peopling event and the increase in biomass burning makes it conceivable that the two phenomena are related in some way.

    Our results strongly argue against the view that Neanderthals and Modern Humans were the driving factor of the large scale variations in fire regime observed in our records, which were clearly governed by the D-O millennial-scale climatic variability and its impact on fuel load. However, we cannot rule out at this stage the possibility that either one or both populations used fire for ecosystem management in ways that did not significantly affect the natural fire trend.

    This is a great study. They sure looked hard, sampling microcharcoal particles from a deep sea core covering the span from 70,000 to 10,000 years ago. It's a nice record of fire on the European continent, and shows fluctuations on a millennial timescale. No sign of any other influence -- in particular, no sign that the Upper Paleolithic made any difference at all.

    Negative results are in some ways more interesting than positive ones. In this case, it's not so unexpected that the humans didn't burn systematically -- Europe just ain't so easy to burn. Getting some confidence about that gives another kind of climate record. Plus it tells us one thing that didn't hurt the Neandertals.

    References:

    Daniau A-L, d'Errico F, Sánchez Goñi MF (2010) Testing the Hypothesis of Fire Use for Ecosystem Management by Neanderthal and Upper Palaeolithic Modern Human Populations. PLoS ONE 5(2): e9157. doi:10.1371/journal.pone.0009157

  • More tools from Crete

    Sat, 2010-01-16 00:11 -- John Hawks

    After last weekend's post about Thomas Strasser's work on Crete ("Crete: Pleistocene port of call?"), I've heard from a reader who forwarded some earlier reports about Lower or Middle Paleolithic artifacts on Crete and the nearby island of Gavdos. These are in the "Project Gallery" area of Antiquity -- papers in ths section are short descriptions of ongoing field projects and are freely accessible online.

    Peder Mortensen (2008) reports on a surface find of artifacts near Loutró, on the south coast of Crete. There's essentially no possibility of dating except on the basis of typology, which is pretty weak. But the article does give a good discussion of why the artifacts are genuine and not natural geofacts. Also, a short review:

    During the last 50 years a number of Middle Palaeolithic sites have been found and excavated on the Greek mainland, but Lower Palaeolithic finds are still sparsely represented (Bailey et al. 1999). From the Greek islands a chopping tool made of a strongly patinated beige flint, possibly associated with a palaeomagnetic date of 750 ka was reported from Corfu by G. Kourtessi-Philippakis (1999: 283-4, Figure 25.2), and from Nea Skala on Cephalonia a collection of flakes and blades found together with flint pebbles were thought to be of a Lower Palaeolithic date (Cubuk 1976: 175 ff.). Previously, several Middle Palaeolithic finds were reported from the islands of Corfu, Cephalonia and Zakyntos (see Darlas 1994: 308-14; Kourtessi-Philippakis 1999: 283 ff.), and recent research on Cephalonia has revealed several Palaeolithic surface finds, including two sites with flakes, choppers, chopping tools, and a single handaxe (Foss 2002/I: 61ff. & plates. AII: 13-16 & AIII: 1-16). With reference to finds from Epirus, and in particular to the inventory of the open-air site at Kokkinopilos, a Middle Palaeolithic date is suggested by Foss for the Palaeolithic industries found on Cephalonia, including the lithics found by Cubuk at Nea Skala (Foss 2002/II: 94-102).

    Meanwhile, Katerina Kopaka and Christos Matzanas (2009) discuss the archaeology of the island of Gavdos, off the south coast of Crete. The later record is interesting, but the Lower and Middle Paleolithic occurrences are mainly limited to the site of Ayios Pavlos. These are classified typologically, which is not especially convincing for the few supposed Lower Paleolithic artifacts. Concerning the early Middle Paleolithic, they write:

    Material from Ayios Pavlos Group 3 is also found at Vatsiana and Kavos, and includes scrapers, denticulates, Levallois flakes (Figure 5b) and blades or blade-like débitage (cf. Darlas 1994a: 312, 314) of an Early Mousterian (proto-Mousterian) industry compared to the typical Greek Mousterian. These artefacts have a yellowish-white patina. They can be dated to c. 120-75 kyr, i.e. Marine Isotope Stage [MIS] 5a-d, usually attributed to Würm I (Gamble 1986: 76, 86). Although the preferred raw material is (and was to remain) the local black flint, some pieces are made of flints from as yet unidentified sources - possibly from Crete, obtained during cold phases of the Würm whencommunication with neighbouring coasts would have been less treacherous.

    These are enough to say that there are several sites with archaeology consistent with Neandertal-era or earlier occupation on Crete. Julien Riel-Salvatore discusses the issue in some more detail ("Lower-Middle Paleolithic island living?"). If it's true, an early occupation of Crete would require watercraft. People seem to keep talking about Africans coming north in boats more than 120,000 years ago, but I see no reason to assume this. I suppose they might have washed out of the Nile delta on a log raft. But I think the faunal turnover before 300,000 years ago would be the logical time to infer presence of a new carnivorous species, and it's probably simpler to derive the boat-builders from Europe, particularly given the potential of small island stepping stones in the Aegean.

    All speculation until we see some more solid archaeological context; something better than typology.

    References:

    Kopaka K, Matzanas C. 2009. Palaeolithic industries from the island of Gavdos, near neighbor to Crete in Greece. Antiquity 83: Online.

    Mortensen P. 2008. Lower to Middle Paleolithic artefacts from Loutró on the south coast of Crete. Antiquity 82: Online.

  • Mailbag: First Europeans

    Sat, 2009-12-19 13:35 -- John Hawks

    Regarding Lézignan-le-Cèbe:

    Now that's interesting. Few thoughts:
    1. Can you be more specific about the artifact skepticism?

    The question is whether they may be geofacts. If the ones pictured in the article are the best they have, out of a total of around 20, it's a fair question.

    2. Assuming it's real & it's about 1.6Ma, I think this has interesting implications about the initial Out of Africa expansion. It seems clear between this & Dmanisi that the earliest people in Europe did not have Acheulean technology. This leads me to two questions:
    A. Is the Acheulean really that superior to the Oldowan, in terms of straight up functionality? People have kicked around the idea that the handaxe might have been more important in terms of social interactions (i.e. the big handaxes as signs of competence/sexiness/whatever). I don't know enough about archeology to answer this question.

    I think we have to answer this with reference to the mechanism that causes Acheulean artifacts to be so widespread and persistent. This means not only bifaces but also aspects of procurement and other element of artifact reduction. It's easy to see why Oldowan is widespread and persistent: If you can maintain the idea of stone tools, knocking flakes off rocks, you've got Oldowan.

    But why bifaces? One possible answer is the same as the Oldowan -- they're really quite obvious. But if they were so obvious and easy, why didn't anybody make them earlier?

    My preferred explanation: They were functionally valuable, not too difficult, and were therefore recurrently invented again and again. This is the explanation for the fire drill in recent contexts -- independent invention. The test is whether there are non-biface aspects of the Acheulean that are too persistent to be compatible with independent invention. I don't know. Some obvious objections: If bifaces were so good, why were they ultimately replaced most everywhere? And why didn't they use them more often in East or Southeast Asia?

    Bifaces could be easier than we might suspect for another reason: Maybe there were genetic biases maintaining them.

    B. If the Acheulean is simply better technology, were humans really spread so thinly on the landscape at this time that they couldn't transmit a better technology across continents? If they were, it certainly highlights the appropriateness of source/sink models of human expansion out of Africa.

    I agree. The question is how hard were they to transmit? If we knew, we could say much about the demography.

    3. Assuming the site is legit & the Acheulean is plain better, does this have implications for the Out of Africa 2/Replacement model? The linchpin of that is that better technology allowed modern humans to once again expand out of Africa & replace the archaic peoples. But if ancient humans could expand out of Africa initially with nothing more than pebble tools, doesn't that seem to mitigate the logic of advanced technology facilitating a later expansion & replacement? Maybe the two out of Africa events are apples & oranges & this comparison simply isn't valid. (That is there was no one to outcompete initially, relative success is not a factor for the initial expansion.)

    4. Makes you wonder what else is in Europe at this early age.

    Don't forget Sima de Elefante. It's not as old, but it already raises many of the same questions. Was early European occupation constant? Was it an expansion out of Africa or Asia? Was it predictable as a consequence of Homo's ecology, or did it depend on some unique climatic conditions?

    5. Imagine they find hominin fossils. How much would you bet they're similar to the Dmanisians?

    Not too long ago, we had two options -- they were like Ceprano, or they were like Gran Dolina. Now Ceprano looks a lot less likely. And Gran Dolina, which gives us basically a face, isn't so awfully different from the Zhoukoudian faces. How hard would it be to derive these from Dmanisi? On the other hand, what do we know about the faces Africans after 1.5 million years ago? We've got OH 12 and Buia.

    Of course, we might predict that faces should be extremely variable, considering that the mandibles are. I'll be writing something about KNM-ER 1482 before long, which strikes me as an interesting case.

  • The first Europeans, in Languedoc

    Thu, 2009-12-17 09:59 -- John Hawks

    It's hard to imagine a nicer place for them to have lived 1.57 million years ago. The site is near the village of Lézignan-le-Cèbe, in the lower Hérault valley -- roughly between Montpellier and Béziers, France. The paper describing the site, by Jean-Yves Crochet and colleagues, is brief, with a faunal list, a description of the geology, and a short summary of the artifactual record.

    The geology seems very secure. The archaeological remains are in a layer capped by a basalt flow, with radiometric dates around 1.56 million years ago. The fauna are consistent with this early date. So it's the real deal.

    The paper has an abridged English translation along with the French text, and I'll just paste what they write about the artifacts:

    The lithic assemblage includes 20 artefacts of pebble-culture type. The supports and striking platforms are quartzitic pebbles, large basaltic flakes and fragments, and smaller flint pebbles. All flakes are exclusively produced by direct percussion, employing a hard stone hammer. Unilateral alterations can be observed on the periphery of certain flakes. The pebbles are developed in chopping-tools, and their edges often show traces of repetitive impacts. The lithic assemblage found at the locus 2 shows similar primary technical features to those from the other Early Pleistocene European sites [10,11,17,20,30,34] (Crochet et al. 2009:727).

    The French text contains some additional comparisons of the lithic artifacts with those from other French sites of Villafranchian faunal age. The site may not be unique except in its stratigraphy which allows very secure dating.

    UPDATE (2009-12-18): A reader tells me that the paper is available from the French Academy website for those who don't have institutional access to ScienceDirect.

    I have heard from some people who are skeptical about the artifacts. I venture no opinion -- I'd like to see the results of their further investigation of taphonomy, in particular whether the "intentionally broken" animal bones were really human-modified. That should be testable, and of course a couple of cutmarks would go a long way.

    References:

    Crochet J-Y, Welcomme J-L, Ivorra J, Ruffet G, Boulbes N, Capdevila R, Claude J, Firmat C, Métais G, Michaux J, Pickford M. 2009. Une nouvelle faune de vertébrés continentaux, associée à des artifacts dans le Pléistocène inférieur de l'Hérault (Sud de la France), ver 1,57 Ma. C R Palevol 8:725-736. doi:10.1016/j.crpv.2009.06.004

  • Just ducky

    Mon, 2009-12-07 10:42 -- John Hawks

    A week or two ago, I was pointed by a press release to some recent research from Bolomor Cave, Spain, where the levels occupied by early/pre-Neandertals have been yielding interesting evidence about diet breadth. The pointer was about "bird consumption", but in this case the birds are all ducks -- genus Aythya, which includes living canvasbacks, for you duck hunters out there. The reference is a newish paper in Journal of Archaeological Science by Ruth Blasco and Josep Fernández Peris.

    Something like 155,000 years ago, some hominins brought 8 ducks into the cave, cut them up (leaving cutmarks) and roasted some of them (leaving bone with burned and charred ends where the meat isn't).

    Not so terribly surprising, but then we don't have a lot of sites of equivalent age where there's good evidence of repeated bird consumption. The cave also has a lot of rabbit bones, and some tortoises.

    Blasco (2008) described the evidence for tortoise consumption from a somewhat later level of the cave (Level IV), dating to before 121,000 years ago. That paper included the gruesome work of identifying human toothmarks that gnawed off the ends of several of the long bones. They also roasted some of the tortoises, apparently before disarticulation.

    What I found an interesting element of both papers was the close analysis of the application of fire in the processing of the remains. Naturally from this distance in time it isn't possible to discover everything. But together with experimental archaeology and taphonomy, it may be possible in many cases to test for the presence of ethnographically-attested models of butchering, cooking, and post-consumption processing of the remains.

    This means that where the record is good, you can also test for the absence of such behaviors. I was reminded last week that I haven't yet posted my review of Richard Wrangham's book, Catching Fire. In light of several requests, I'm buffing off the rough edges now and I'll post it later this week. When it comes to testing Wrangham's hypothesis -- in brief, that "cooking made us human" -- it is precisely the kind of close archaeological work pursued in these papers that is necessary.

    Which makes it interesting that, in these rather recent archaeological levels with clear evidence of cooking, there is good evidence that several of the ducks and tortoises weren't cooked before humans ate them.

    References:

    Blasco R. 2008. Human consumption of tortoises at Level IV of Bolomor Cave (Valencia, Spain). J Archaeol Sci 2839-2848. doi:10.1016/j.jas.2008.05.013

    Blasco R, Fernández Peris J. 2009. Middle Pleistocene bird consumption at Level XI of Bolomor Cave (Valencia, Spain). J Archaeol Sci 36:2213-2223. doi:10.1016/j.jas.2009.06.006

  • Book recommendation

    Tue, 2009-12-01 17:30 -- John Hawks

    I was in a conversation last night about a book I had really enjoyed this year, and I remarked that I had meant to review it on the blog and hadn't done it yet. The book is Dale Guthrie's The Nature of Paleolithic Art, which I enjoyed for the text and his style of analysis, but most especially for the many hundreds of hand-rendered drawings of Paleolithic cave art.

    It's a tremendous body of work. I may write more when I get home this week, but in the meantime, it's a great gift for artists or people who like art, with an interest in the prehistoric. And it's at a great price.

  • Neolithic migrationism

    Tue, 2009-10-13 15:34 -- John Hawks

    Dienekes has a nice post about the relation of Neolithic Europeans, migration models, and how anthropological views of migration have changed over the last century. He starts with Carleton Coon, although he might have gone back substantially earlier.

    I'll note that Franz Weidenreich, writing shortly after the cited work by Coon, had a very different view of the essential data underlying migrationism, especially the trend toward brachycephalization.

    Anyway, he traces the move from full-on folk migration to "demic diffusion" and "acculturation" models, back through recent genetic work that suggests some substantial genetic replacement -- either by means of selection or folk migration/demographic expansion.

    We have come full circle. Once again, Paleolithic Europeans assume the status of survivors, as their typical lineages are observed in a small minority of modern Europeans. The evidence for widespread acculturation of European hunter-gatherers or their significant genetic contribution to incoming farmers along a wave of advance is just not there. Hunters and farmers possessed distinctive gene pools, and farmers expanded with barely a trace of absorption of hunter gene pools.

    With the India genetics paper from a couple of weeks ago, I think we're seeing that recent large-scale genetic changes are not limited to Europe.

  • Sima species

    Fri, 2009-10-09 14:49 -- John Hawks

    Michael Balter has a nice Science writeup of the recent Gibraltar conference, "Human Evolution 150 Years After Darwin."

    A hush fell over the room as Tattersall sat down and Arsuaga got up to speak. To nearly everyone's surprise, Arsuaga agreed that the Sima de los Huesos skulls looked nothing like other H. heidelbergensis specimens. Nor, he said, do 13 other skulls his team had recently excavated there. "We have always said that we put the Sima hominins under the H. heidelbergensis umbrella for convenience, for practical reasons," Arsuaga said, adding that his team agrees with Tattersall that the accretion scenario is not likely. But he resisted Tattersall's call to rename the Sima fossils, at least until the remaining 13 skulls are published in coming months.

    Below that, Jean-Jacques Hublin shows he's a lumper not a splitter.

    References:

    Balter M. 2009. New Work May Complicate History Of Neandertals and H. sapiens. Science 326:224-225. doi:10.1126/science.326_224

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Neandertals

For years, I've worked on their bones. Now I'm working on their genes. Read more about the science studying these ancient people.

Denisova

From a finger bone of an ancient human came the record of a completely unexpected population. My lab is working on the science of the Denisova genome.

Acceleration

The advent of agriculture caused natural selection to speed up greatly in humans. We're uncovering some of the ways that populations have rapidly changed during the last 10,000 years.

Malapa

Just outside Johannesburg, the Malapa site is producing some of the most exciting finds in human evolution. This site is the headquarters of the Malapa Soft Tissue Project.